ON HUMAN LIBERTY

To the Patriarchs, Primates, Archbishops and Bishops of the

Catholic World, in favor and communion with

the Apostolic See.

POPE LEO XIII

Vénérable Brethren,

Health and Apostolic Bénédiction.

Liberty, the highest gift of nature, which belongs only to intellectual or rational beings, confers on man this dignity, that he is " in the hand of his counsel " and has power over his actions. But the manner in which this dignity is borne is of the greatest moment, inasmuch as on the use that is made of liberty the highest good and the greatest evil alike dépend. Man indeed is free to obey his reason, to seek moral good, and to strive after his last end. Yet he is free also to turn aside to ail other things, to follow after false dreams of hapiness, to disturb established order, and to fall headlong into the destruction which he has voluntarily chosen. The Redeemer of mankind, Jésus Christ, having restored and exalted the orignal dignity of nature, vouchsafed spécial assistance to the will of man ; and by the gifts of his grâce, and the promise of heavenly bliss, He rajsed it to a nobler state. In

like manner this great gift of nature has ever been, and always will be, constantly cherished by the Catholic Church ; for to her alone has been committed the charge of handing down to ail âges the benefits purchased for us by Jésus Christ. Yet there are many who imagine that the Church is hostile to human liberty. Having a false and absurd notion as to what liberty is, either they pervert the very idea of liberty, or they extend it at their pieasure to many things in which man cannot rightly be regarded as free.

We hâve on other occasions, and especially in our Encyclical Letter Immortelle Dei, in treating of the so-called modem liberties, distinguished between their good and evil éléments ; and we hâve shown that whatsoever is good therein is as ancient as truth itself, and that the Church has always most willingly approved and practised it ; but whatsoever has been added is of a vitiated kind, the fruit of the disorders of the âge and of an insatiate longing after novelties. Seeing, however, that many cling so obstinately to their own opinion in this matter as to imagine thèse modem liberties, vitiated as they are, to be the greatest glory of our âge, and the very basis of civil life, without which no perfect govemment could be conceived, We therefore feel it now our duty, for the sake of the common good, to treat separately of this subject.

It is with moral liberty, whether in individuals or in communities that we proceed to deal. But, first of ail, it will be well to speak briefiy of natural liberty ; for, though the two kinds are distinct and separate, the natural is the fountain head of liberty of whatsoever kind. The unanimous consent and judgment of men, which is certaintly the voice of nature, recognizes this natural liberty in those only who are endowed with intelligence or reason ; and it is by this that man is rightly regarded as responsible

for his actions. For, while other animate créatures follow their sensés, seeking good or avoiding evil only by instinct, man has reason to guide him in ail the acts of his life. Eeason sees the contingency of ail the good things which are upon earth ; and thus, seeing that none of them are of necessity for us, it leaves the will free to chose what it pleases. But man can judge of this contingency, only because he has a soûl that is simple, spiritual and intellectual ; a soûl, therefore, which is not produced by matter and does not dépend on matter for its existence, but which is created immediately by G-od. and, far surpassing the condition of material things, has a life and action of its own — so that, knowing the unchangeable and necessary reasons of what is true and good, it can judge of the contingency of anything in particular When, therefore, it is established that man's soûl is immortal and rational, the foundation of natural liberty is at once most firmiy laid.

As the Catholic Church déclares in the strongest terms the simplicity, spirituality, and immortality of the soûl, so with unequalled constancy she asserts also its freedom. Thèse truths she has always tanght and has sustained them as a dogma of faith ; and whenever heretics or innovators hâve attacked the liberty of man, the Church has defended it and protected it from assault. History bears witness to the energy with which she met the fury of the Manicheans and the like ; and the earnestness with which in later years she defended human liberty in the Council of Trent, and against the followers of Jansenius is a well-kown fact. Never and in no place, has she made truce with fatalism. Liberty then, as we hâve said, belongs only to those who hâve gift of reason or intelligence. Consiclered as to its nature it isthe faculty ofchoosing means fitted for the end proposed : for he only is master of his actions who can choose one thing out of many. Now,

since everything chosen as a means is viewed as good or useful, and since good, as such, is the proper object of our désire, it folio ws that freedom of choice is a property ol the will, or rather is identical with the will in so far as it has in its action the faculty of choice. But the will cannot proceed to aot until it is enlightened by the knowledge possessed by the intellect. In other words, the good wished by the will is necessarily good in so far as it is known by the intellect ; and the more so, because in ail "voluntary acts choice is subséquent to a judgment upon the truth of the good presented, decïaring to which préférence should be given. No sensible man can cloubt that judgment is an act of reason, not of the will. The end, or object, both of the rational will and of its liberty, is the good, which is in conformity with reason. Since, however, both thèse faculties are imperfect, it is possible, as is often seen, that the reason should propose to the will a good that is not true, but apparent, and that the will should choose accordingly. Just as the possibility of error, and actual error, are defects of the mind and attest its imperfection so the persuit of an apparent good, though a proof of our freedom, just as a disease is a proof of our vitality, implies defect in human liberty. The will also, simply because of its dependence on the reason, no sooner desires anything contrary thereto than it abuses its freedom of choice and corrupts its very essence. Thus it is that the infinitely perfect G-od, although, because of the supremacy of His intellect and of His essential goodness, He is supremely free, nevertheless cannot choose evil ; neither can the angels and saints, who enjoy the Béatifie Vision. St. Augustine and others nrged most admirably against the Pelagians, that, if the possibility of défection from good belonged to the essence or perfection of liberty, then G-od, Our Lord Jésus Christ, and the angels and saints, who

hâve not this power, would hâve no liberty at ail, or would hâve less liberty than man has in his state of pilgrimage and imperfection. This subject is often discussed by Angelic Doctor, in his démonstration that the possibility of sinning is not freedom, but slavery. It will sufrlce to quote his subtle commentary on the words of Our Lord ; 11 "Whosoever commiteth sin is the slave of sin " (St. John, viii., 34). '' Everything, " he says,- " is that which belongs to it naturally. When, therefore, it acts through power outside itself, it does not act of itself but through another, that is, as a slave. But man is by nature rational. When, therefore, he acts according to reason, he act of himself and according to his free will and this is liberty. Whereas, when he sins, he acts in opposition to reason, and is moved by another, and so is bound by another's chain. Therefore : " Whosoever committeth sin is the slave of sin." Even the heathen philosophers clearly recognized this truth, especially those who held that the wise man alone is free ; and by the term " wise man " they meant, as is well known, the man trained to live in accordance with his nature— that is, in justice and virtue.

Such then, being the condition of human liberty, it necessarily stands in need of light and strength to direct its actions to good aiid to restrain them from evil. Without this the freedom of our will would be our ruin. First of ail there must be law — that is a fixed rule of teaching what is to be doue and what is to be left undone. This rule cannot affect animais in any true sensé, since they act of necessity, following their natural instinct and cannot of themselves act in any other way. On the other hand, as was said above, he who is free can either act or not act, can do this or do that, as he pleases, because his judgment précèdes his choice,

And his judment not only décides on good or evil in the abstract, but also on what is practically good and therefore to be chosen, and what is practically evil and therefore to be avoided, so that he may attain his last end, to which ail his actions mnst be directed as means. This ordination of reason is called law. In man's free will, moreover, or in the moral necessity of our voluntary acts being in accordance with reason, lies the very root of the necessity of law. Nothing more foolish can be uttered or conceived than the notion that, because man is free by nature, he is therefore exempt from law. Were this the case, it would follow that, to become free we must become irrational. Whereas the truth is that we mnst submit to law precisely because we are naturally Iree. Law is the guide of man's actions ; it turns towards good by its rewards, and deters him from evil by its punishments. Foremost in this office cornes the natural law, which is written and engraved in the mind of every man; and this is nothing but our reason, commanding us to do good and forbidding evil. Nevertheless, thèse prescriptions of human reasons hâve the force of law, only because they are the voice and the interpreters of some higher power on which our reason and liberty necessarily dépend. For, since the force of law consists in the imposing of obligations and the granting of rights, authority is its one and only foundation — the power, that is, of imposing the former and protecting the latter, and of assigning to both the necessary sanctions of rewarded and chastisement. But ail this clearly, cannot be found in man, if, as his own suprême legislator, he is to dertermine his own actions. It folio ws, therefore, that the law of nature is identical with the eternal law, implanted in rational créatures, and inclining them to their right action and end ; and it is identical also with the eternal reason of Grod, the Creator, and

Ruler of the world. To this rule of action and restraint of evil, Grod lias vouchsafed to give spécial aids for strengthening and ordering the human will. The first and most excellent of thèse is His divine grâce, whereby the mind is enlightened and the will wholesomely invigorated and set in constant pursuit of moral good, so that the use of liberty becomes at once less dimcult and less dangerous. Not that the Divine assistance hinders in any way the freedom of our will ; for grâce is intrinsic in raan and in harmony with his natural inclinations, since it flows from the very Creator of his mind and will, by Whom ail things are ordered in conformity with their nature. As the Àngelic Doctor points out, it is because divine grâce cornes from the author of nature, that it is so admirably adapted to be the safeguard of every nature, and to maiiitain the character, efficiency and opérations of each.

What has been said of the liberty of individuals, is no less applicable to them when considered as constituting civil society. For what reason and the natural law do for individuals that human law, promulgated for their good, does for society. Of the laws enacted by men, some are concerned with what is good or bad by its very nature ; and the one they command men to follow but the other to avoid, adding at the same time a suitable sanction. But such laws by no means dérive their origin from civil society ; because , just as civil society did not create human nature, so neither can it be said to be the author of the good which befits human nature, or of the evil which is contrary to it ; rather they corne before ail human society, and are the outcome of the natural and, consequently, of the eternal law. The precepts, therefore, of the natural law, incorporated in the laws of men, hâve not merely the force of human law, but they possess that higher and more august sanction which belongs to the law

of nature and the cternal law. And within.the sphère of this kind of law s, the duty of the civil legislator is mainly this : To make the community obedient, by the adoption of a common discipline, and by putting restraint upon the refractory and viciously inclined, so that, deterred from evil, they may turn to what is good, or, at any rate, may avoid causing trouble and disturbancé to the State. But there are othei enactments of the civil authority, which follow indirecily from thê naturel law, and décide, cases of which the law of nature treats only in a gênerai way. For instance, though nature commands ail to contribute to the public peace and prospenty, the manner, and circumstances and conditions under which such service is to be rendered are determined by the wTisdom of men. It is in the constitution of thèse particular rules of life, suggested by reason and prudence, and put forth by compétent authority, that human law properly so called consists, binding ail citizens to wrork together for the attainment of the common end proposed to the community, and forbidding them to départ from it ; and, in so far as it is in conformity with the dictâtes of nature, leading to wThat is good, and deterring trom evil. From this it appears that the eternal lawT of God is alone the standard and rule of human liberty, and that, not only of individuals, but also of the community and civil society w7hich they constitute. Therefore, the true liberty of human society does not consist in every man's doing wThat he pleases, for this would simply end in turmoil and confusion and the overthrow of the State ; but rather in this, that through the directions of the civil law he may more easily conform to the prescriptions of the eternal law. Likewise the liberty of those who are in authority does not consist in the power to lay unreasonable and capricious commands upon their subjects, which would moreover be criminal and

would lead to the ruin of the commonwealth ; but the binding force of human laws is in this, that they are to be regarded as applications of the eternal law, and incapable of sanctioning anything which is not contained in that law, as in the principle of ail law. Thus, St. Augustine most wisely says : " I think that you can see at the same time that there is nothingjustand law fui in that temporal law, unless what men hâve gathered from the eternal law." If, then, by any power, there be sanctioned anything out of conformity with the principles of right reason, and which is consequently hurtful to the commonwealth, such an enactment can hâve no authority, as not being even a law of justice, but likely to lead men away from that good which is the only end of civil society.

Therefore, the nature of human liberty, however it be considered, whether in individuals, or in society, whether in those who comraand or in those who obey, supposes the necessity of obédience to some suprême and eternal law, which is no other than the authority of G-od, commanding good and forbidding evil. And, so far from this most équitable authority of G-od over men diminishing or destroying their liberty, it protects it and perfects it ; for the prosecution and attainment of their respective ends are the real perfection of ail créatures ; and the suprême end to which human liberty can aspire is God.

Thèse precepts of the truest and highest teaching known to us by the very light of reason, the Church, instructed by the example and doctrine of her Divine Author, has ever propagated and asserted ; for she has ever made them the measure of her office and of her teaching to the Christian nations. As to morals, the laws of the G-ospel not only far surpass the wisdom of the heathen, but are an invitation and an introduction to a state of holiness unknown to

the ancients ; and bringing man nearer to Grod, they make him at once the possessor of a more perfect liberty Thus the powerful influence of the Church has ever been manifested in the custody and protection of the civil and political liberty of the people. The enumeration of its merits in this respect does not belong to our purpose. It is sufflcient to recall the fact that slavery, that old reproach of the heathen nations, was mainly abolished by the bénéficiai efforts of the Church. The impartiality oflawandthe true brotherhood of man were first asserted by Jésus Christ ; and His Apostles reechoed His voice, when they declared that there was neither Jew, nor Q-entiie, nor barbarian, nor Scythian, but ail were brothers in Christ. So powerfull, so conspicuous in this respect is the influence of the Church, that expérience abundantly testifies that savage customs are no longer possible in any land where she has once set her ibot ; but that gentleness speedily takes the place of cruelty, and the light of truth quickly dispels the darkeness of barbarism. Nor has the Church been less lavish in the benefits she has conferred on civilized nations in every âge, either by resisting the tyranny of the wicked, or by protecting the innocent and helpless from injury ; or finally by using her influence in the support of any form of government which commend itself to the citizens at home because of its justice, or was feared by enemies without because of its power. Moreover the highest duty is to respect authority and obediently to submit to just law ; and by this the members of a community are effectually protected from the wrong-doing of evii men. Lawful power is from Grod, " and whosoever resisteth authority resisteth the ordinance of Grod :" wherefore, obédience is greatly ennobled, when subjected to an authority which is most just and suprême. But where the power to command is wanting, or where a law

is enacted contrary to reason, or to the eternal law or the ordinance of G-od, obédience is unlawful, lest, while obeying raan, we fail in obédience to G-od. Thus, by an~ effectuai barrier being opposed to tyranny, the authority in the State will not hâve ail ifs own way ; but the interest and rights of ail will be safe-guarded — the rights of individuals of domestic society, and of ail the members of the commonwealth ; so that ail may be free to live according to law and right reason, in which, as we hâve shown, true liberty really consists.

If, when men discuss the question of liberty, they only grasped its true meaning, such as we hâve now drawn it out, they would never venture to affix such a calumny on the Church as to assert that she is the ioe to individual and public liberty. But there are many who follow in the footsteps of Lucifer, and adopt as their own his rebellious cry, " I will not serve " ; and conséquent! y substitute for true liberty what is sheer license. Such, for instance, are the men, belonging to that widely-spread and powerful organization who, usurping the name of liberty, style themselves Libérais.

What Bationalists aim at in philosophy, that the supporters of Liberalism are attempting in the domain of mof ality and politics. The chief doctrine of rationalism is the suprernacy of the human reason, which refusing due submission to the Divine and eternal reason, proclaims its own independence, and constitutes itself the suprême principle, and source, and judge of truth. So thèse followers of Liberalism deny the existence of any Divine authority to which obédience is due, and proclaim that every man makes his own law ; whence arises that ethical System which they style independent morality, and which under the guise of Liberty, exonérâtes man from any obédience to the commands of Grod, and substitutes a boundless license. The end of ail tins D

it is not difficult to foresee. For, once granted that man is firmly persuaded of his own supremacy, it follows that the efficient cause of the unity of civil society is to be sought, not in any principle exterior or superior to man, but simply in the free will of individuals ; that the power of the State is from the people only ; and that, just as very man's individual reason is his only rule ol life, so the collective reason of the community should be the suprême guide in the management of ail public affairs. Hence the doctrine of the supremacy of the majority, and that the majority is the source of ail law and authority. But, from what has beèn said, it is clear that ail this is in contradiction to reason. To dissolve the bond of union between man and civil society, on the one hand, and G-od, the Creator, and consequently the Suprême Legislator, on ihe other, is plainly répugnant to the nature, not only of man, but of ail created thing ; for, of necessity, ail effects must in some way be connected with their cause ; and it belongs to the perfection of every nature to contain itself within that sphère which the rational order has assigned to it ; namely, that the inferior should be subject and obedient to the superior. But, besides this, a doctrine of this charactor is most hurtful both to individuals and to the State. For,' once ascribe to humain reason the only authori+y to décide what is true and what is good and the real distinction between good and evil is destvoyed ; honor and dishonor become a matter of private opinion : pleasure is the measure of what is lawful ; and, given a code of morality which can hâve a little or no power to restrain the unruly propensities of man, a way is then opened to universal corruption. To turn to public affairs : authority is severed from the true and natural principle whence it dérives ail its efficacy for tne common good ; and the law determining right and wrong is at the mercy of a majority —

which is simply a downward path to tyranny, The empire of God over man and civil sociely once repudiated, it follows that religion, as a public institution ceases to exist, and with it everything that belongs to religion. Likewise with ambitious designs on sovereignty, tumult and sédition will be common amongst the people ; and when duty and conscience cease to appeal to them, there will be nothing to hold them back but force, which is an mefïicient restraint upon their covetousness. Of this we hâve almost daily évidence in the conflict with Socialists and other seditious societies, whose one object is révolution. It is for those, then, who are capable of forming a jnst estimate of things, to décide whether such doctrines promote that true liberty wrhich alone is worthy of man, or rather pervert and destroy it.

There are, indeed, some adhérents of liberalism who do not subscribe to thèse opinions, which we hâve seen to be so fearful in their enormity, and tending to produce the most terrible evils. Indeed many compelled by the force of truth, do not hesitate to admit that such a liberty is vicious and simple licence when it is intemperate in its claims, to the neglect of truth and justice; and therefore they would hâve liberty ruled and directed by right reason, and consequently subject to the natural law and to the divine eternal law. And hère they think they may stop, and hold that no man is bound by any law of Grod, except such as can be known by natural reason. In this they are plainly inconsistent ; for if, as they must admit, and as no one can rightly deny, the will of the Divine Legislator is to be obeyed, because every man is under the power of Grod and tends towards Him as his end, it follows that no one can assign limits to liis législative authority with ou t failing in the obédience which is due. Indeed, if the human mind be so presuinp.

tuous as to define what are Grod's rights and its own duties, its révérence for the Divine law will be apparent rather than real, and its own judgement will prevail over the authority and providence of G-od. Man mnst therefore take his rule of life from the eternal law ; and from every one of those laws which G-od, in His infinité wisdom and power, has been pleased to enact, and to make known to us in a manner so sure as to leave no room for douJ)t. And the more so, because laws ot this kind hâve the same Origin and Author as the eternal law, and are absolutely in accordance with right reason and perfect the natural law ; and they constitute the government of G-od, who graciously guides and directs both the intellect and the will of man lest they fall into error. Let then a holy and inviolable union prevail where disunion is neither seemly nor possible ; and in ail things according to the dictâtes of right reason, let G-od be dutifully and obediently served.

There are others, somewhat more moderate though not more consistent, who afrlrm that the morality of individuals is to be guide by the Divine law, but not the morality of the State, so that in public afFairs the commends of G-od may be passed over, and may be disregarded in the framing of laws. Hence follows that fatal theory of the séparation of Church and State. But the absurdity of such a position is manifest. Nature herself proclaims the necessity of providing in the State the means and opportunities whereby the community may be enabled to live, as it should, according to the laws of G-od ; for He is the source of ail goodness and justice, and it is absolutely répugnant to maintain that such laws can be totally disregarded or rendered abortive by contrary enactments. Besides those who are in authority owe it to the common wealth not only to provide for the external well-being and administration of the

State, but still more to consult for tiic wclfare of men's soûls by the wisdom of their législation, But for the increase of such benefits, nothing more suitable can be conceived than the laws which hâve Grod lor their Author ; and, therefore, they who in their government take no account of thèse laws abuse political power by causing it to deviate from its proper end and from what nature prescribes. And, what is of more importance, and what we hâve more than once pointed out, although the civil authority has not the same approximate end as the spiritual, nor proceeds on the same Knes, nevertheless in the exercise of their separate powers they must occasionally meet — for their subjects are the same ; and not unfrequentlv they deal with the same objects, though in différent ways. Whenever (his occurs, since a state of conflict is absurd and manifestly répugnant to the most wise ordinance of G-od, there must necessary exist some order or mode of procédure to remove the occasions of différence and contention, and to secure harmony in ail things. This harmony has been not inaptly compared to that which exists between the body and the soûl, for the well-being of both ; the séparation of which brings harm chiefly to the body, since it extinguishes its very life.

To make this more évident, the growth of liberty ascribed to our âge must be considered in its various détails. And, first, let us examine that liberty in individuals which is so opposed to the virtue of religion, namely, the liberty of worship, as it is called, which rests on this principle, that every man is free to profess as he choses any religion or none. But, assuredly, of ail the duties which man has to fulfil, that without doubt is the chief and holiest whereby he is bid to worship Grod with dévotion and piety ; which iollows of necessity from the truth, that we are ever in the power of Grod, and are ever guided

by his will and providence, and, having corne forth from Him, must return to Him. Add to this, thaï no true virtue can exist without religion ; for moral virtue is concerned with those things which lead to G-od as man's suprême and ultimate good ; and therefore religion, which (as St. Thomas says) " performs those actions which are directly and immediately ordered to the divine honor," rules and governs ail virtues. And, if it is asked, which of the many conflicting religions it is necessary to embrace, reason and the natural law unhesitatingly answer : that one which Grod commands and which men can without difficulty recognize for themselves by certain exterior signs whereby Divine Providence has ordered that it should be distinguished, because, in a matter of such moment, the most terrible loss would be the conséquence of any error. Wherefore, with a freedom such as we hâve described, to man is given the power to pervert or abandon with impunity the most sacred of duties, and to exchange the unchangeable good for evil ; which, as we hâve said, is no liberty, but the dégradation of liberty, and the abject subjection of the soûl to sin.

The same liberty, if it be considered in relation to the state, clearly implies that there is no reason why the State should ofFer any homage to G-od, or should désire any public récognition of Him ; that no form of worship is to be preferred to another, but that ail stand on an equal footing ; no account being taken of the religion of the people, even if they profess the Catholic iaith. But, to justify this, it must needs be true that the State has no duties towards G-ocl, or that such duties, if they exist, may be abandoned with impunity ; both of which assertions are manifestly false. For it cannot be doubted that, by the will of Grod, men are united in civil society ; whether its éléments be considered ; or its form, which is authority ; or the object of its existence ;

or the abundance of the services which it renders to man. G-od it is Who has made man for society, and has placed him in the company of others like himself, so that what was wanting to his nature, and beyond his attainment if left to his own resources, he might obtain by association with others. Wherefore civil society must acknowledge GJ-od as its founder and parent, and must believe and worship His power and authority. Justice therefore forbids, and îeason forbids, the State to be godless ; or to adopt a line of action which would end in godliness — namely, to treat the various religions, as they call them, alike, and to bestow upon them promiscuously equal rights and privilèges Since, then, the profession of one religion is necessary in the State, that one must be professed which àTone is true, and which can be recognized without difficulty, especially in Catholic States, becau.-e the marks of truth are, as it were, engraven upon it. This religion, therefore, the rulers of the State must préserve and protect, if they would provide, as they should do, with prudence and usefulness for the good of the community. For the public power exists for the weltare of those whom it governs ; and although its proximate end is to lead men to the prosperity which is found in this life, yet, in so doing, it ought not to diminish, but rather to increase, man's capability of attaining to the suprême good in which his everlasting happiness consists, which ne ver can be attained except through religion.

But this we hâve explained more fully elsewhere. We now only wish to observe that liberty of such a kind is greatly hurtful to the true liberty both of rulers and of their subjects. Religion, moreover, is of wonderful advantacre. For derivin^ the fîrst origin of power directly from G-od Himself, with grave authority it commands rulers to be mindful of their duty, to govern without injustice or severity,

and to rule 'their people kindly and with an almost paternal charity ; it admonishes subjects to be obedient to lawful authority, as to the ministers of G-od ; and it binds them to their rulers, not merely by obédience, but by révérence and affection, forbidding ail séditions and atternpts that would disturb public order and tranquility, and cause greater restrictions to be put upon the liberty of the people. ¥e need not mention how greatly religion conduces to pure morals, and pure morals to liberty ; for reason shews, and history conflrms the fact, that the better the morality of States, the greater liberty, and wealth, and power do they enjoy.

We must now consider a little the liberty of speech, and the liberty of the press. It is hardly necessery to say that there can be no such right as this, if it is not used in modération, and if it passes beyond the bounds and end. of ail true liberty. For right is a moral power which, as we hâve said and must again repeat, it is absurd to suppose that nature has given indifferently to truth and falsehood, to justice and to injustice. Men hâve a right freely and prudently to propogate throughout the State whatsoever things are true and honorable, so that as many as possible may possess them ; but false doctrines, than which no mental plague is greater, and vices which corrupt the heart, should be diligently repressed by public authority, lest they insidiously work the ruin of the State. The excesses of an unbridled intellect, which really end in the oppression of the ignorant multitude, are not less rightly restrained by the authority of the law than are the injuries inflicted by force upon the weak , and even more so, because by far the greater part of the community either absolutely cannot, or can only with great difficulty, avoid their illusions and subtleties, especially such as flatter their own passions. If unbridled license of speech and of writing be granted

to ail, nothing will remain sacred and inviolate; even the highest and truest judgments of nature, the common and noblest héritage oi the human race, will not be spared. Thus, truth being obscured by darkness, pernicious and manifold error, as often happens, will easily prevail ; and license will gain what liberty looses ; for liberty will be more free and secure, in proportion as license is more restrained. In regard, however, to such matters of opinion as G-od leaves to man's free discussion, full liberty of thought and of speech is naturally whithin the right of everyone ; for this liberty never leads men to suppress the truth, but leads often to its discovery and manifestations.

A like judgment must be passed upon what is called libertv of teaching. There can be no doubt that truth alone should imbue the minds of men ; for in truth are found the well-being, and end, and perfection of intelligent nature ; and therefore truth alone should be taught both to the ignorant and to the educated, so as to bring knowledge to the former and to préserve it in the latter. For this reason it is plainly, the duty of those who teach to banish error from the mind, and by sure safeguards to exclude ail false opinions. From this it follows, that greatly opposed to reason, and tending absolutely to pervert men's minds, is that liberty of which we speak, in so far as it claims for itself the right of teaching what it pleases — a liberty which cannot be granted by the State without failing in its duty. And the more so, because the authority of the teacher has great weight with his hearers, who can rarely décide for themselves as to the truth or falsehood of the instruction given to them.

"Wherefore, this liberty also that it may bejust, must be kept within certain limits, lest the art of teaching be turned with impunity into an instrument of corruption. Now truth, which should be

the sole object of those who teach, is of two kinds, natural and supernatural. Of natural truths, such as the principles of nature and what is deduced from them immediately by reason, there is a kind of coramon patrimony in the hum an race. On this, as on a firm basis, morality, and justice, and religion, and the very bonds of human society rest ; and to allow it to be with impunity violated or destroyed would be impious and foolish, and inhuman. But with no less religious care must we préserve that great and sacred treasure of the truths which God has taught us. By many convincing arguments which the defenders of Christianitv hâve often used, certain leading truths hâve been laid down: namely that some thiugs hâve been revealed by God ; that the only begotten Son of God was made Flesh, to bear witness to the truth ; that a perfect society was founded by Him, that is, the Church of which He is the Head, and with which He has promised to abide till the end of the world. To this society He entrusted ail the truths which He had taught, that it might keep and guard them and with lawful authority explain them ; and at the same time He comraanded ail nations to hear the voice of the Church as if it were His own, threatening those who would not with everlasting perdition. Thus it ïs manifest that man's best and surest teacher is God, the source and principle of ail truth. and the only begotten Son, who is in the bosom of the Father, the way. the truth, and the life, the true light which enlightens every man, and to whose teaching ail must submit : " And they shall ail be taught of G-od " (St. John, vi. 45). In faith and in the teaching of moralitv God made the Church a partaker of His divine authority, and through His divine helph she cannot be deceived. She is, therefore, the greatest and most safe teacher of mankind, with inviolable right to teach them.

Sustained by the truth received from her Divine Founder, the Church has ever sought, above ail things, to fulfil the mission entrusted to her by G-od ; undeterred by the difficultés surrounding her, she has never ceased to assert her liberty of teaching ; and in this way, tho superstition of paganism being dispelled, the world was renewed unto Christian wisdom. Now, reason itself teaches that the truths of révélation and those of nature cannot really be opposed to one another, and that whatever is at varian.ce with themmust necessarily be false. Therefore the divine teaching of the Church, so far from being an obstacle to the pursuit of learning and the progress of science, or from retarding in any way the advance of civilization, in reality brings to them the guidance of a shilling light. And for the same reason it is of great advantago for the perfecting of human liberty, since Our Saviour Jésus Christ has said that by truth is man made free : " You shall know the truth and the truth shall make you free." (St. John viii. 32.) Therefore there is no reason why genuine liberty should be displeased, or true science feel aggrieved, in having to bear that just and necessary restraint by which, in the judgment of the Church and of reason itself, man's teaching has to be controlled. The Church, as facts hâve everywhere proved, while she chiefiy and above ail looks to the defence of the Christian faith, is at the same time and careful to foster and promote every kind of human learning. Learning is in itself good, and praise-worthy, and désirable ; and ail érudition which is the fruit of sound reason, and in conformity with the truth of things, serves not a little to illustrate what G-od has taught us. The Church, indeed, to our great benefit, has carefully preserved the monuments of ancient wisdom ; has opened everywhere homes of science ; end has urged on intellectual progress, by fostering most diligently

the arts by which the civilization of our âge is so much adorned. Lastly, we must not forget that a vast field lies freely open to man's industry and genius, containing ail those things which hâve no necessary connection with Christian faith c.nd morals, or as to which the Church using no authority leaves the judgment of the learned free and unrestrained. From ail this may be understood the nature and character of that liberty which the followers ol libéralisai so eagerly demand and proclaim. On the one hand, they demand for themselves and for the State a licence which opens the way to every perversity of opinion, and on the other, they hamper the Church in many ways, restricting her liberty wTithin the narrowest limits, although from her teaching there is nothing to be feared, but very much to be gained. An other liberty is greatly proclaimed, namely liberty of conscience. If by this is meant that every one may, as he chooses, worship G-od or not, it is sufficiently refuted by what has been already said. But it may also be taken to mean that every man in the State may, from a consciousness of duty, and without obstacle, followx the will of Grod and obey His commands. This indeed is true liberty worthy of the sons of Grod, which nobly sustains the dignity of man, and is stronger than ail violence or wrong, — a liberty which the Church has always desired and held most dear. This is a liberty which the Apostles claimed for themselves with intrepid constancy, wrhich the defenders of Christianity confirmed by their writing, and which the Marthyrs in vast numbers consecrated by their blood. And rightly so, for this Christian liberty bears witness to the absolute and most just dominion of G-od over man, and to the great and suprême duty of man towards Grod. It has nothing in common with a seditious and rebellious mind ; and it in no way derogates from obe^

dience to public authority ; for the right to command and to require obédience exists only so far as it is in accordance with the authority of G-od, and is within the measure that He has laid down. When anything is commanded which is plainly at variance with the will of Grod, there is a departure from this divinely constituted order, and a conflict with the Divine authority ; and then it is right not to obey.

By the patrons of liberalism who make the State absolute and omnipotent, and proclaim that man should live altogether independently of Grod, this liberty of which we speak, and which is joined to virtue and religion, is not acknowledged ; and whatever is doue for its préservation is held to be an injury and an ofFence against the State. Indeed, if they spoke truly, there would be no tyranny, no rnatter how7 cruel, which we should not be bound to endure and to obey.

The Church would most earnestly désire that this Christian teaching, of which we hâve given the heads, should in reality and in practice penetrate every rank of society. This teaching would be of the greatest efficacy to heal the evils of our day, which are neither few nor light, and are the ofFspring in great part of the false liberty which is so much extolled, and in which the germ of salvation and glory was supposed'to be contained. This hope has been disappointed by the resuit ; the fruit, instead of being sweet and wholesome, is tainted and bitter. If a remedy is desired, let it be sought for in a restoration of sound doctrine, from which alone the préservation of order and the defence of true liberty can be expected. Yet, with the discernment of a true mother, the Church wTeighs the great burden of human weakness ; and she knows wrhat is the course in which the minds and the affairs of men are now borne along. For this reason, while not conceding any rights to anything that is not true

and honest, it does not forbid public authority to tolerate what is at variance with truth and justice, for the sake of avoiding a greater evil, or of obtaining or preserving some greater good. G-od Himself, in His providence though he is of infinité goodness and power, allows evil to exist in the world, partly that greater good may not be impeded and partly that greater evil may not follow. In the govemment of States it is well to imitate the Ruler of the world ; and, as the authority of man is powerless to prevent every evil, it has (as St. Augustine says) " to overlook, and to leave unpunished, many things which are punished, and rightly, by Divine Providence." But in such circumstances, if, for sake of the common good (which is the only just reason), the law of man may and ought to tolerate evil, it may not and ought not to approve or désire evil for its own sake ; for evil of itself, being a privation of good, is opposed to the common welfare which a legislator must désire and défend to the best of his power. In this, human law must endeavor to imitate Grod, Who, as St. Thomas says, in allowing evil to exist in the world, " neither wishes evil to be done, nor wishes it not to be done, but wishes only to permit it to be done; and this is good." This sentence of the Angelic Doctor contains briefly the whole doctrine as to the permission of evil. But, to judge rightly, we must acknowledge that the more a State has to tolerate evil, the further is it from perfection ; and that the tolérance of evil, which is suggested by political prudence, must be circumscribed by the limits which its cause, the public welfare, requires. Wherefore, if such tolérance would be injurious to the public welfare, and bring greater evils on the State, it would not be lawful ; for in such a case the motive of good is wanting. And although in the extraordinary condition of thèse times, the Ohurch usually acquiesces in certain

modem liberties, not because she prefers them in themselves, but because she judges it expédient to permit them, in better times she would use her own liberty ; and, by persuasion, exhortation, and entreaty, she would endeavor, as she ought, to fui fil the duty assigned to her by G-od of providing for the eternal salvation of mankind. One thing, however, remains always true — that the liberty which is claimed for ail, to do ail things, is not, as we hâve often said, ofitself désirable, inasmueh as it is coni trary to reason that error and truth should hâve equal rights. And as to tolérance, it is surprising how far removed from the justice and prudence of the Church are they who profess what is called liberalism. For, in allowing that boundless license of which we hâve spoken, they exceed ail limits, and end at last by making no apparent distinction between truth and error, honesty and dishonesty. And because the Church, the pillar and ground of truth, and the unerring teacher of morals, is forced utterly to reprobate and condemn tolérance of such and abandoned and criminal character, they calumniate her as wanting in patience and gentleness, and thus fail to see that, in so doing, they impute to her as a fault what is in reality a matter for commendation. But, in spite of ail this show of tolérance, it very often happens that, wThile they profess themselves ready to shower liberty on ail in the greatest profusion, they are utterly intolérant towards the Catholic Church, by refusing to grant it the liberty which is its right.

To reduce briefly, for clearness sake, to its principal heads, ail that has been hère written, and that lollows from it, the summary is this : That, by a necessity of his nature, man is wholly subject to the true and everlasting power of G-od ; and that man has no liberty except that which must be in submission to God and in subjection to His will. To deny

the existence of this authority in G-od, or to refuse to submit to it, is to act not as a free man, but as one who treasonably abuses his liberty ; and in such a disposition of mind.the chief vice of liberalism consists. The form. however, of this vice is manifold ; for in more ways and degrees than one can the will départ from the obédience which is due to G-od or to those who share the divine power.

To reject the suprême authority of G-od and to cast off ail obédience to Him in public matters, and even in those which are private and domestic, is the greatest perversion of liberty and the worst kind of liberalism : and against this, what we hâve said applies in its fullest sensé.

Next cornes the System of those who admit indeed the duty of submitting to G-od, the Creator and Ruler of the world, inasmuch as ail nature is dépendent on His will, but who boldly reject the laws of faith and morals, which are above the natural order, and are revealed by the authority of G-od ; or who at least assert that there is no reason why regard should be paid to thèse laws, at least in public by the State. How wrong such men also are, and how inconsistent, we hâve seen above. From this doctrine, as its source and principle, fLows that fatal ma xi m of the séparation of Church and State ; whereas, on the contrary, it is clear that the two powers, though dissimiiar in functions and uneqnal in decree, ought nevertheless to live in concord, by the harmony of their actions and the fulfilment ot their respective duties.

But this maxim is understood in two ways. Many wish the State to be separated from the Church wholly and entirely, so that in every right of human society, in institutions, customs and laws, in the offices of state, and in the éducation of youth, they would pay no more regard to the Church than if it did not exist ; and, at most, would allow the citizens

indivi lually to attend to their religion in private if they pleased. Against thèse, ail the arguments by which we disproved tbe doctrine of the séparation of Church and State are conclusive ; and with this additional argument, that it is absurd that the citizen shoald respect the Church, but the State despise it.

Others do not oppose the existence of the Church, nor indeed couid they ; yet they rob her of the nature and rights of a perfect society, and mainfain that it does not belong to her to legislate, to judge, or to punish, but only to exhort, to advise, and to rule lier subjects according to their own consent and will. By their opinion they would pervert the nature of this divine society, and attenuate and narrow its authority, its office of teacher, and its whole efficiency ; and at the same time they would aggrandize the power of ciril government to such an exient as to subject the Church of Grod to the empire and sway of the State, like any voluntary association of citizens, To completely réfute such teaching, the arguments ofteri used by the défendants of Christianity, and set forth by Us, espëciàlly in the Encyclieal Letter Immôftale Dei, are of great avail ; for by those arguments it is proved that, by a divine provision, ail the rights which essentially belong to a society that is legitimate, suprême, and perfect in ail its parts, exist in the Church.

There remain those, who wThile they do not approve the séparation of Church and State, think neVertheless that the Church ought to adapt herselt to the times, and to conform to what is desired by the modem system of government. Such an opinion is sound, if it is to be understood of an adaptation that is consistent with truth and justice; in so far, namely, that the Church, in the hope of some great goôd, may show herself indulgent, and may conform to the times in whatever lier sacred office permits. But it is not so in regard to practices and doctrines E

which a perversion of morals and a false judgment hâve unlawfully introduced. Keligion, truth, and justice, must ever be maintained ; and, as G-od has entrusted thèse great and sacred things to the care of the Church, she can ne ver be so unfaithful to her office as to dissemble in what is false or unjust, or to connive at what is hartful to religion.

From what has been said, it follows that it is in no way lawful to demand, to défend, or to grant unconditional freedom of thought, of speech, of writing, or of religion, as if they were so many rights which nature has given to man. For if nature had really given them, it would be lawful to refuse obédience to G-od, and there would be no restraint to human liberty. It likewise follows, that freedom in thèse things may be tolerated when there is just cause ; but only with such modération as will prevent its degenerating into licence and excess. And where thèse liberties are in use, men should use them in doing good, and no further.

Whenever there exists or there is reason to fear, either an unjust oppression of the people, or a deprivation of the Church's liberty, it is lawful to seek for such a change of government as will give due liberty of action, in such a case it is not an excessive and vicious liberty that is sought for , but only some relief, for the common welfare, in order that amidst the licence for evil the power of doing good may not be hindered.

Again, it is not of itself wrong to prefer a démocratie form of government, if only the Catholic doctrine be maintained as to the origin and use of power. Of the various forms of government, the Church does not reject any that are fitted for the welfare of the subject ; she wishes only — and this nature itself requires — that they should be constituted without wrong to any one, and especially without violating the rights of the Church.

Dnless through sonie exceptionable condition of things it be otherwise determined, it is well to take part in the administration of public afïairs. And the Church approves of evory one giving his services for the common good, and doing ail that he can for the defence. and préservation, and prosperity of his country.

Neither does the Church condemn those who, if it can be done without violation of justice, wish to make their country independent of any foreign or despotic power. Nor does she blâme those who wish to give to the State the power of self-government, and to its citizens the greatest possible measure of prosperity. So long as it is without license, the Church has always fostered civil liberty, and this was seen especially in Italy in the municipal prosperity, and wealth, and glory, which were obtained at a time when the salutary power of the Church had, without opposition, spread to ail parts of the State.

Thèse things, vénérable brethren, which, under the guidance of faith and reason, we hâve, in the discharge of our apostolic office, now delivered to you, will, we hope, especially by your co-operation with us, be useful unto many. In lowliness of heart we raise our eyes in supplication to G-od, and earnestly beseech Him to shed mercifully the light of His wisdom and of his counsel upon men, so that, strengthened by thèse heavenly gifts, they may in things of such moment discern what is true, and may then in public and in private, at ail times and with unshaken constancy, live in accordance with the truth that they hâve known. As a pledge of thèse heavenly gifts, and in witness of our good will to you, vénérable brethren, and to the clergy and people committed to each of you, we most lovingly grant in the Lord the Apostolic Bénédiction.

Griven in Rome, at St. Peter's, on the 20th flay'of June? in the year MDCOCLXXXVIII, the elèventh year of our Pontificate.

POPE LEO XIII

4ième Série— No. 28.

CIRCULAIRE AU CLERGE

Archevêché d'Ottawa, le 24 septembre 1888.