Minor works, pp. [8] et

70. Westm, Rei\, no XXVIl, juillet 1830, art. l, tfie Ballot,

71. Cf. Uist. ofUrU. Ind., BookIV,chap. ix;éd. Wilson, vol. III. pp. 508- 509. — Pour Télection, par TAssemblée législative, du premier ministre, Bentham suggère que Ton pourrait employer successivement le scnilia

(Pp. 217-219) NOTES. 445

secret et le scrutin public ; si les résultats différaient, le candidat ayant obtenu la majorité au scrutin public serait proclamé élu. Il définit les avantages et les inconvénients des deux méthodes (scrutin public : influence séductive des collègues et des candidats, influence tuiélaire du tribunal de Topinion publique ; — scrutin secret : influence iéducUve des mobiles personnels, sympathiques et antipathiques, du votant) ; et conclut que Ton pourrait s'en remettre à Texpérience de décider. — After a certain length of expérience — the Législature for the time being, under the guidance of the public voice, will be in a condition to pronounce, on the ground of expérience, between the three competing modes : to wit, the two simple ones, and the compound, composed of both. — ConstUiUional Code, Book II, chap. VIII, section vin; Bo>vring, vol. IX, pp. 208-209.

72. Westminster RevieWy no XXVII, juillet 1830, art. I, the Ballot, p. 15 : We know but one objection which can be made to it — that it is loo complète. This is an objection not unlikely to be made. There are people who, precisely because it is complète, and, being complète, is not conducive to their ends, may call it an a priori argument, or by some such impopular name; and will, on that ground, with much briskness, infer, that it is good for nothing. People who hâve their reasons for not liking a conclusion to which démonstration leads, hâve nothing for it but to decry démonstration. They indeed obtain crédit only among the blockheads. But then the blockheads are the gréa test both in number and power. It is not every man*s ambition that goes higher than this. — Il faut voir dans tout ce passage une réponse très directe aux critiques, également âpres, de Macaulay, lorsqu'il avait reproché à James Mill, dans la a Revue d'Edimbourg s, en 1829, son abus de l'apriorisme en matière de sciences politiques.

73. James Mill à Napier, 20 novembre 1820 (Bain, p. 191) : ... I hâve yet to speak to you about an application which bas been made to me as to the article on GovemmerUy from certain persons, who think it calcula ted to dissémina te very useful notions, and wish to give a stimulus to the circulation of them. Their proposai is, to print (not for sale, but gratis distribution) a thousand copies. — V. Graham Wallas, life of Place, pp. 186-187 (de même Tarticle de 1830 sur le scrutin secret).

74. Macaulay, Speeches, éd. Tauchnitz, vol. I, p. 3 (discours du 2 mars 1831) : « Their (the ministers') principle is plain, rational and consistent. It is this, to admit the middle class to a large and direct share in the représentation, without any violent shock to the institutions of our country. > — P. 10 : « The struggle which the middle classes in England are maintaining against an aristocracy of raere locality. » — P. 13 : « This plan... is founded on a great and a sound principle. It takes away a vast power from a few. It distributes that power through the great mass of the middle order. » — P. 91 (discours du 16 décembre 1831) : le parti auquel Macaulay appartient, c'est a the middle class of England, with the

446 NOTES. (Pp. 220-222)

fiower of the aristocncy at ite head, and the ilower of tfae «rorking classes bringing up its rear. > — Ifackiatoah «oriYBÎt de même, dans la « Revue d'Edimbourg *, en décembre 1818 : c If -we were compelled to CBoBme ail élective influenoe to one order, we must indeed Test it in the middle classes; both booause thej possess tiie Urgeat sliareof aeBBe aad firtue, and because they hâve tbe most nttmettNiB «onneûbns of iaierest with the other parts of society. »

75. Romîlly, Memoirs, toI. Ilf, p. 360. — Hunt, Mtmoin^ vol. U, p. TS. Sur la campagne des ultra-radicaux partisans de la lutte de classes et Tattitude des radicaux philosopiiiques à leur égard en 1831 et 1832, V. Graham Wallas, iife of Place, chap. X.

76. IV^es/mt/is/er Review, n" X, avril 182^, art. I : ItulUutions of ÂnoiêiU Greece :voL V, p. 291 (Particle est de Grote). — Cf. Bentham't Memoranda ISHâ; Bowring, vol. X, pp. 548 : He ^ho bas the power of pnnishmeot bas tbe power of reward ; and he wbo bas the power of reward bas the power of punishment; for by either tbe other may bc procured. Only by reward the power of punishment cannot be obtained any further than by subtracting the matter of reward. — Hence tbe tyranny of the rich over the poor exists, in a certain degree, even in the most perfect democracy, ex. gr. in U. States. — But equality, in respect of légal power, keeps this tyraony witbin comparatively narrow bounds.

77. Govemment, p. 31 : The opinions of tkat class of the people,wlio are below the middie raak, are formed, «ad tbeir minds are directad by tiiat intelligent and virtuoos raak, wbo eome fbe most immédiate! y in contact with them, wbo are in tbe constant habit of intimatc comnwmcalion with them, to wliom tliey fly for advice and assistance i« ail tfaeir numerous diffîculties, upon whomthey feelan immédiate and dailydependence, in healtli and in sickness, in infancy a ad in uld âge ; to vrhom their children look up as models for tbeir imitation, wbose opinions Ikey liave daily repeated, and account it tbeir honour to adopt.

78. Westminster Review, n- KXVIÏ, juillet 1830, on Balht, p. 57 : Other men, even those who are not confined to medianical dnidgerj-, are ander tlie necessity of employing the greatcr part of their lives, in eaming tbe means either of subsistence ur independenoe. The men who are born to a property wbicli places tliemabove such necet9âty,can employ the vvholeof their lives in acquiriag the knowledge, tbe talents, and tbevtrtues, whick would eatitle them to tbe confidence of their faHow-citiaeDS. . . Onr opinion, therefore, is that the tmaineis o( ff^vemment « pnpmiy the business ofthe rich : and that Ihey wiU always obtaia tt, «îtber by bad means, or good. Upon this every tliing dépends. If tbey obtain it by bad means, the government is bad. If the>' oJUain it by good meana, the government is good. Tbe only good m'eans of obtaining it are, feba f ree suffrage of the people. » — Voyez, disait Bentham (Bowring, vaL 111,

(P, 234) KOTES. 44T

p. 469), oe qui se passe à Westminster^ <w un collège de dlK-sept mille électeurs élit soit lord Cochrane, soit sir Francis Bardett. — C*était égalentent la conviction de Place, Tagont ôlectoral de cette drconscription. Par là, il se séparait de Cobbett, « toc ignorant to see that the oommoa peo|^ iBDst ever be imbécile... when not encouraged and supported by oUiers wbo bafe money and influence. » (Gcsabam Wallas, p. 117.) ^ U écrit à Hobhouse, le 22 mars 1830 : < The truth is. that tbe vulgarity will not choose men from amoog themselves ; they never do so ^hen left perfectly free to choose. In ail such cases thejr invariably choose men of property, io wbom they expect to ûnd tlie requisite appropriate talent, honesty, and business-like habits, and they make fewer mistakes tlian other men are apt to do. The reason for this is, they bave fewer sinister interests to induce them to do wrong ; their cboioe is influenced by the désire to do good to themselves, and it so happens that their good must always be the public good. » — Et le 2 juin 1832 : <t By the word ijpeop\e\, when, as in this letter. I use the word in a political sensé, I mean those among them who take part in public a&irs, by whom the rest must be governed. »