Incline more to personal, than to social virtues
Difference of the civil wars in France and England.
1. The English caused by riches and long peace. The French by long wars and impatience of ease. Union of the House of Commons. Power and discords of the Guises, Bourbons, &c.
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2, The English chiefly used the axe; the French the dagger.—Con. trast, Mary Queen of Scots beheaded,—the Marshal d’Ancre murdered. Cause of this difference,—the superior corruption of the French ?— Equity of the English? Fanaticism? Independence of the French nobles ?—The custom borrowed from the Italians and communicated to the Scotch. ;
3. The English left to themselves. The + Pope, Spain, England, &c. took part in the French wars. The Duke of Mayenne preferred to the Admiral de Coligny.
Davila’s general Errors.
1, The election and even existence of Pharamund doubtful. The assembly and resolution of the Franks chimerical.
VOL. IL 4 À 2. The
2. The ‘stability of their government ridiculous. It varied every age. *
8. The Salic Law not fundamental: established by accidents in the 14th céntury. |
4. The first prince had no inherent right to the Regency. The point is yet undetermined. |
Henry III. studied politics with an Italian abbé. Vanity of that science. Ignorance why we have acted—how we shall act—how others will act. Our sense, eloquence, secrecy, &c. the only principles assisted by the confidence of others.—Example of Henry III. his inactivity, his violence. Of Henry IV. The proper time for changing his religion; how very nice. If too soon the Catholics would be suspicious ; if foo late grown desperate.
The effect of civil wars on the minds of men. A general ferment of fanaticism, discord, and faction. Two singular exceptions. Montaigne in his retirement. Henry IV. on the throne. He loved and trusted mankind.—How different from Charles IL !
France little altered by 40 years civil war. The same limits. The . Succession attacked but preserved. The regal authority unimpaired. Violent principles detested and forgotten.
. Power of the governors of provincess direct and absolute over the military. Their levies, expeditions, disposal-of offices, strong places, gentlemen and guards—indirect over the finances and justice; only checked by the Parliaments.
The Duke of Mayenne, &c. wanted to make them hereditary.—The followers of Henry IV. made the same demand; had he consented, the feudal system was again established. |
1. French cavalry famous in the 16th century—All noblesse, 5000 gentlement at once in the army of Henry IV. Brave but impatient of
* See Makly’s Observations sur l'Histoire de France, &e. ‘ ' labour
labour and fatigue. Laid aside their lances, and fought. with pistol and carbines. The custom blamed but at last adopted. . 2. The Spanish infantry well disciplined. Walloons, Italians. The Duke of Parma. Retreat from before Amiens. Saying of Henry IV. 3. Swiss phalanx. March from Meaux. | 4. English and Germans, brave but undisciplined.
Religious wars.
1. Persecution inspires union, obstinacy, and at last resentment.— A sect becomes a party. Why Christianity suffered so long.—Greeks and Asiatics—Objection from martyrs—Difference of active and passive courage.—Chinese.
2. Connexion of religion and politics. The leaders seldom free from enthusiasm, or the followers from ambition.
3. Other passions. mix with these. Massacre of Paris owing to revenge-—of Charles IX.—of Guise—of the Parisians.
The ruling’ passion? very rare. Most passions confined to times,
place, persons, circumstances.—Love, hatred, revenge, jealousy, vanity,-
&c.—Patriotism seldom even a passion.—Ambition generally mixed with other passions,—often subservient to them—when pure, as in Cesar, Richelieu, must succeed or perish—Avarice perhaps the only ruling permanent passion.
‘ Search then th ruling passion, there alone ~ “ The fools are constant, and the wise are known,” &c. Pope.
Bobinet in the Comptesse d’Escarbagnes, and Sir Hugh in the Merry Wives of Windsor-—ridiculous resemblance without probability of Imitation.
The Popish worship like the Pagan? Certainly. Huetius’s Ode will serve for either Mary or Diana—But this resemblance probably with- 4A2 | out
out imitation—Reasons, 1. Images, ornaments, garlands, lights, odours, music, affect the senses of all men-—are found in tle worship of the Indians, Chinese, Americans, &c.
2. Images opposed whilst the Pagans subsisted, received as soon as they were extinct.
-$. The jubilee invented by Priests who had scarcely heard of the secular games.
4. Monks and relics of Martyrs, the favourite superstitions of the 4th century, detested by the Pagans.
Middleton, elegant and just (in facts), carries his parallel too far—the sacerdotal order on quite different principles from that of old Rome— Warburton dogmatic, just in his inference, weak in his argument.
See Huetii Commentarius, p. 258—262.
Freedom of Thought.
1. Infallible authority allows not the faculties of the mind fair play-— May be just and happy, but is a yoke—Faith of the Pagan light and easy,—of the Christian binding and comprehensive—of the Papist variable—Plutarch, Tillotson, and Bellarmin.
2. Authority of Doctors,—a voluntary slavery under the name of reason—how cornmon!—the ancient sects—professed philosophers how ° bigotted—Romans, &c. more liberal, heard several before they chose— obstinate in.their choice, yet sometimes changed.
$. Authority of our own systems. Men of imagination dogmatic.— Bolingbroke.—True freedom and scepticism—ease and pleasantry— Bayle and a student of Salamanca.
A free-thinker may be rational or wild, superficial or profound—however, the road is open before him and his sight clear.
Freedom of individual relative to general slavery—an Englishman may reject with contempt what an Italian examines with caution—yet the Italian the free-thinker—il voto sanguinario of Muratori—the tenets of Atterbury and Courayer nearly the same, their manner of thinking how different—the one tended to slavery, the other to liberty.
Maxim of La Bruyère of governments; when quiet how ever disturbed ! when disturbed how ever quiet ! very just.—Supported by the interest
interest of a few, courtiers, priests, soldiers—real power of the latter— honour and attachment—despotic government more secure in large states—indolence, prejudices, &c. of the multitude—chain of imitation—power of habit—necessity of order—every conspiracy a new society—danger of each individual —extreme danger of strong passions and great talents—when the charm is once broken, every man feels his real strength, and despises the idol—hopes succeed to fears—the bond of faction grows stronger, that of government weaker—vicissitude.
Character and conduct of. Brutus—obstinate patriotism of Scipio and Cato after the battle of Pharsalia—collect a formidable force in Africa (1)—second civil war—Brutus the nephew and disciple of Cato—re. mained quiet in Italy—studied eloquence with Cicero—their panegyrics on Cato (2)—attended with no danger. .
The more moderate patriots had submitted to Cæsar—Cicero, Varro, Marcellus, &c.—their motives, horror of civil war, despair of success, cruelty ot the Pompeian party, Cesar’s mildness, hopes that he would restore the Republic—their private life, melancholy complaints. Cicero’s boldness (3).
Brutus submitted immediately after the battle—made the first ad. vances—revealed Pompey’s designs, (4) was admitted into friendship and confidence—Proconsul of the Cisalpine Gaul (5)—his equity and mildness (6)—importance of the province, military force (7)—had the
(1) Lucan. Pharsal. ix. 18, &c. , Magni post fanera, paftes Libertatis erunt.
Hist. de Bello Afric, c. 1, 2, &c. &c.—M. Guichardt’s Military Comment. (2) Cic. Orator, c. 10.—Ad Attic, xiii. 46; xii, 21. (3) See Cicero to Atticus, Varro, Papirius, Pætus, Cecinna, &c.—Pro Marieli. 8, 9. pro Ligario 3, et passim.
(4) Plut. in Brut. Bayle au mot Brutus, (5) Plut. Aurel. Victor de V, J.C. 82. Cic. ad Fam. vi. 6, xiii, 10, &c. (6) Cic. Orator. c. 10.—Plut.
(7) Montesquieu, Grandeur des Romains, c. xi. Ac. Philippic. iii. c. 5,
war
war been transferred to Italy, Brutus must have betrayed Cæsar or the republic. ° |
His further honours, first prætor and consul elect (1) —preferred to Cassius—no freedom of election (2)—voluntary engagements—to obey the decree (3)—to defend the person of Cesar (4)—no faith with tyrants (5)—excuse rather than motive.
Respect for Brutus (6)—tyrannicide, hatred of kings—greatness of Rome—fame of Cesar, humanity of Brutus.
In scelus it Pharium, Romani pœna tyranni; Exemplumque perit. (7)
L'exemple, que tu dois, périroit avec toi. (8) |
Fine imitation—the sentiment itself truly Roman—great in Lucan’s mouth—far greater in Pompey’s widow—has a sublime effect in the tragedy, as it engages Cornelia to discover the conspiracy, and save the life of her enemy. | Thucydides and Guicciardini in the true station for historians of their own times—mistake of Mr. Wharton as to the latter (9)—both acquainted with the business of peace and war—their characters procured them every information—had studied the greatest men of their times—better acquainted with them all, than each of them was with the others—personal knowledge of great men, the chief advantage of their personal memoirs—Disappointed in those of Cæsar—we perceive
(1) Vell. Pat. L ii. c. 56. 58. Plut.
(2) Sueton. in Cesar, c. 41. 76.—Lucan. v. 381, &c. ————— Finget solemnia campi Et non admisse dirimit suffragia plebis.
Leg. diribet, meo periculo.
(3) Appian de Bell. Civ. 1. ii. p. 494, (4) Cic. pro Marcell. ec. 10.
(5) Appian de B. C. 1. ii. p. 515.
(6) Vell. Pat. 1. ii. c. 72 M. Auton, et August, apud Plut. in Brut. (7) Lucan. x. 343.
(8) Le Pompée de Corneille, acte iv. scèn. 4. (9) Adventurer, No. 123.
the
the scholar and thé soldier, we lose the man—except in the simplicity with which he relates his greatest actions—-the memoirs of Xenophon much more characteristic—those of De Retz still more so—pity the events are so little interesting. |
Camp, near Winchester, 26th July, 1761.
