FRANÇOIS BISSOT DE LA RIVIERE
(Grandfather of François-Marie Bissot de Vincennes.)
The présence of François Bissot, sieur de la Rivière, is noticed for the first time in an act of notary of 1647. He might possibly hâve corne to Canada before this year. Ferland, who is so conscientious an investigator that one rarely finds him at fault, gives the name of Bissot in a list of colonists who came to Canada between 1641 and 1647, without giving précise information about it.*
François Bissot came originally from Pont-Audemer, a town of ancient Normandy, which now forms part of the department de l'Eure. His family lived in the parish of Notre- Dame des Prés. They were of good bourgeois stock, since the documents of the period speak of the father of François Bissot, Jean Bissot, sieur du Gommer, as "an honorable man."
*M. l'abbé Ferland is mistakeu. Bissot was already in Québec in 1639. July 2, 1639, lie was présent wben the Jesuits took possession of the island Aux Ruaux. See the Bulletin des Recherches Historiques, Vol. II, p. 88.
22 Sieur de Vincennes Identified
Bissot first placée! his estate on the coast of Lauzon, on point Lévy. ïhis seigniory, conceded since 1636, was still wild and uncultivated. The exploration which Father Druillettes made along the right bank of the St. Lawrence in 1646, in going up the river from the falls of the Chaudière in order to get to New England, seems to hâve given the fir^t impulse toward establishments opposite Québec.
The first house was built on Point-Lévy the same year that Father Druillettes returned, 1647. Bissot had gone into partnership with one of his Norman compatriots, the famous interpréter, Guillaume Couture, to begin the development of his land. In the summer of 1647 one could hâve seen the former companion of Father Jogues wielding the axe in the midst of the great forests which then covered the coast. By autumn he had felled a certain number of trees and finished a little hut, a rustic dwelling made of roughly hewn tiniber. Bissot, who had contributed to the expense and furnished the material for construction, arranged with Couture to pay him two hundred livres for his work and to allow him possession of the clearing until Michaelmas 1648. (Agreement signed November 4, 1647. Grefïe Claude Lecoustre. )
October 15, 1648, Jean de Lauzon, who then lived in Paris, granted to thèse two first copyhold tenants the regular titles of concession. The estâtes of Bissot and of Couture were neighboring. They each contained two hundred surface acres, five acres of frontage on the river and forty acres of depth inland. A little brook which flowed headlong into the river near Indian Cove twenty paces from the station of the Intercolonial separated the two estâtes. Couture lived on the right bank of the brook ; Bissot occupied the left. The brook was held in common by the two colonists.
Between the two farms a road eighteen feet wide was
Sieur de Vincennes Identified 23
to run toward the great royal road projected ail the way to the river. Jean Bourdon, engineer and surveyor, had already traced its limits himself in 1647. Bissot was to pay to his seignior each year twelve deniers of quit rent for each acre cultivated and changed into arable land or into meadow land, and to send to the fiscal agent at ]\Iichaelmas twentyfive salted and well seasoned eels. He had to hâve his land tilled within three years nnder penalty of revocation of the title. On his side the seignior reserved the right of repurchase in case of sale according to the custom of Normandy.
Bissot went to France in 1649 and returned from there in July. On August 9, 1653, Bissot was named deputy in the syndic body of Québec to represent there the post of Lauzon. The seignior of Lauzon, absent from the country, could not fulfil toward his tenants the obligations which the feudal régime imposed upon him. Since 1655 Bissot had had a mi 11 on Point Lévy where the colonists could bring their grain to be ground. The brook which separated the estate of Bissot from that of Couture turned the mill stone. In order to hâve ail the property rights of this stream of water, Bissot arranged with Couture that he would grind his grain gratuitously for twenty years.
Bissot de la Rivière, while he was clearing his land on Point-Lévy, lived most of the time in Québec. In the census of 1667 one finds on the farm at Lauzon three servants : Jean Guay, twenty-eight years old; Martin l'Enfilé, twentynine years old ; Pierre Perrot, thirty-two years old.
He seems to hâve wished to group around his colonial estate people from Normandy. Guillaume Couture, with whom he had originally contracted a partnership for clearing the land was Norman like himself and possessed. in France, land situated at la Haye-Aubraye, fifteen kilomètres from Pont-Audemer. Among the compatriots of Bissot set-
24 Sieur de Vincennes Identified
tled on Point-Lévy there was Louis Bégin, the ancestor of Cardinal Bégin, who was originally from Lieurey, a little parish in the suburbs of Pont-Audemer. François Becquet, who bought a pièce of land in Lauzon, April 6, 1660, was a nephew of François Bissot. He came from Notre-Dame des Préaux, a parish situated six kilomètres from Pont-Audemer. The families Lebieux, Chartier, Pourveau came likewise from Normandy.
A letter from Governor Jean de Lauzon, dated Paris, Mardi 8, 1664, gives to Bissot a new concession of ten acres of land fronting along the river St. Lawrence and forty in depth. This concession touched on one side the rives des Etchemins and on the other side Jean Adam. It took in ail the islands situated at the mouth of this river and the rights of hunting and fishing. M. de Lauzon said in his letter that he wished in this way to recompense Bissot for the good services which he had rendered to the people of the seigniory.
Bissot, representing the tenants of Lauzon in the syndic body, had indeed renedered them considérable service, but the family of Lauzon owed him still more récognition. For it was he who had discharged the obligation of building a common mill, since the seigniory, sparsely settled, could not yet yield a sufficient revenue to grind its own grain. He took part also in the organization of seigniorial justice. He was made fiscal agent toward the end of 1650 and succeeded Charles Sevestre as provost judge. Bissot filled this last office until his death.
After the death of the governor of Lauzon and the tragic disappearance of most of the members of his family, he took the seigniory by farm-hold, in partnership with Eustache Lambert, and gave himself up to its development. In 1668, Vv'hen the métropole ordered that the seignors render faith and homage and make the avowal and enumeration of their lands.
Sieur de Vincennes Identified 25
Bissot presented himself to the controUer and demanded allowance for the minors of the Lauzon family.
In the autumn of 1672, November 2, Bissot obtained in his turn a seignioral domain in the neighborhood of Lauzon. This property consisting of seventy acres of frontage and a mile of depth was bordered on the east by the seignior}' of Beaumont, which Talon granted on the same day to Couillard des Ilets de Beaumont. It is this seigniory acquired in 1672 by Bissot which lias since carried the name of Vincennes. Bissot began clearing in 1670. November 24th of this same year he sold to Jean Poliquin four acres of frontage and forty acres of depth in a place called la Petite-Pêche, ïhe brook of la Petite-Pêche crossed the ancient domain of Vincennes, already inhabited by the family Faucher de Saint- Maurice and had for a long time turned the wheel of an old community mill built by the seignior Joseph Roy, fatherin-law of this Corpron, a partner of Bigot, who stored grain there when Québec suffered a most dreadful famine.
Formerly Pont-Audemer, the ancestral town of Bissot, was noted for its maritime fisheries, and its fîshers had no equal in the salting of herring. Bissot ail the time he was cultivating his lands and clearing the forests of Canada wanted to exploit the immense resources of our great river. In the autumn of 1630 he formed a partnership with Simon Guyon, Courville, Lespinay, de Tilly and Godefroy to go after seals near Tadoussac. Beside fishing for seals the partners desired to attract the savages at Tadoussac and to trade there in beaver skins. Godefroy went to France to obtain the right of this fîshery from the company and to associate M. Rozée for an eighth partner. Courville, Lespinay and Simon Guyon had made a voyage on the Saguenay in the month of October to enter into an alliance with the savages, and they had
26 Sieur de Vincennes Identified
brought back from this first excursion about three hundred beaver skins.
On the 4th of March, 1663, M. d'Avaugour leased the trading rights of Tadoussac for two years to François Bissot, la Tesserie, des Cartes, Le Gardeur, de Tilly, Desprès, Juchereau de la Ferté, Damours, Charron, Bourdon, Juchereau de Saint-Denis (Judgments et Délibérations du Conseil Souverain, t. 1. p. 11), but this lease was broken in the October following by M. de Mésy.
Bissot, seeing the kingdom of the Saguenay closed to him, directed his attention toward the désert régions of Labrador, where up to this time only the Spaniards in company with the Basques had dared to fish.
In the winter of 1661, on February 25th, Bissot obtained from the Company of New France the island aux Oeufs, situated below Tadoussac toward the Pellean mountains of the north coast about forty miles from Tadoussac, with the right of hunting and of establishing on the land in whatever place lie would find most convenient still fishing for seal, whales, porpoises and other kinds of fish from the island aux Oeufs to Sept-Iles and in la Grande-Anse, in the country of the Esquimaux where the Spaniards were still fishing. He obtained at the same time the right to take, in thèse places, the woods and the land necessary to establish his eslate there.
It is this island, so celebrated for the shipwreck of the fleet of the English admirai Walker, on which Bissot began to put down the foundations of his first establishment for still fishing. It is nothing but a stérile rock, barren of ail végétation, about three-quarters of a mile long. In the crevices of the granité rocks they built buts for the fishers.
Bissoa had first established himself on the island aux Oeufs in order to protect his property from the incursions
Sieur de Vincennes Identified 27
of the Savage Esquimaux, the fiercest and most barbarous of nien. Later he carried his settlement to the extrême end of the harbor of Mingan, and there constructed a Httle fort of logs. Bissot directed thèse distant developments from Québec. Each spring his ships laden with outfits for fishing and merchandise for trading left the little capitol, and only returned once, when the season was finished.
During the year 1668 Bissot began a tannery on Point- Lévy, on the land which he had obtained in 1648 from the seignior de Lauzon. The brook which was the border hne between the farms of Couture and of Bissot and which turned the wheel of the mill was damaged. A large wooden canal carried the water from it and took it to the tanning vats. The intendent Talon during the year 1668 increased the "denier" of the king to be employed in the construction of the buildings necessary to this new enterprise to a sum of 3,268 livres. This advance considérable for the time was later reimbursed in large part by the Bissot heirs.
The community to aid Bissot in his enterprise lent him besides a sum of 1,500 livres at ten per cent, interest. This tannery, the first which one could hâve seen in Canada, had a great success. Much was expected of it, and the first attempts succeeded perfectly. From the second year the profits realized surpassed ail expectations.
Bissot had set going three projects : the cultivation of the land, fishing and the making of leather. Ali three kept pace with each other, and Bissot was in a way to make his fortune. The little hut which he had had built by Couture in the autumn of 1647 had disappeared long ago to make room for a long, comfortable house. Beautiful golden harvests covered the meadows. The mill wheel turned constantly on the little babbling brook. The land produced grain as if
28 Sieur de Vincennes Identified
by enchantment. The meadows of l'Etchemin furnished fertile pasturage. Down there on the heights of Cape Saint- Claude the seigniory of Vincennes began to be populated. Each autumn on St. Martins day there was brought to the great white house hidden under the elnis of Point-Lév)^ fat capons, eels and the quit rent money. The road which led to the Bissot dwelling became a sort of bridge d'Avignon where everyone liad to pass to go to the river and to the town. A considérable business was also donc there.
The development of the still fishing of Labrador went marvelously. This sort of industry was considered one of assured profits. Talon wrote, that it was so, to the king in 1671, informing him of the success of Bissot. The seal fishery exploited by Denis, Bissot and Riverin produced enough oil for local consumption and for exportation not only to France but to the Antilles. Talon, who wished to establish favorable relations with thèse colonies, sent them shipments of fish, of peas, of clap boards and of planks.
François Bissot de la Rivière died at Québec on Sainte Annés day, July 26, 1673. He was buried in the cemetery of 1' Hotel-Dieu.i
CHARLES-FRANÇOIS BISSOT.
(Uncle of François-Marie Bissot de Vincennes.)
Born at Québec, February 5, 1664, of the marriage of François Bissot de la Rivière and Marie Couillard.
On November 3, 1672, M. Talon, intendant, granted to François Bissot de la Rivière for his sons Jean Baptiste Bissot de Vincennes and Charles-François Bissot (1), a fief of seventy acres of land frontiug on a mile of depth along the
1 J. Edmond Roy. François Bissot, vcin de la Rivière, pp. 31 et .seq. ■
Sieur de Vincennes Identified 29
river St. Lawrence, from the land belonging to the Sieur de la Citiere to the land not yet conceded. This formed the fief or seigniory of Vincennes.
On May 16, 1689, Charles-François Bissot, heir to an eighth in the succession from his father, sold to Etienne Charest, his brother-in-la\v, ail that belonged to him and was to revert to him of the land, buildings, mills, and tannery of Point-Lévy. This sale was made for a thousand livres.
On March 5, 1694, Charles-François Bissot, heir to an eighth of the land situated on the river of the Etchemins, sold to Pierre Benac, his brother-in-law, the part and portion belonging to him and reverting to him in the said land of the river of the Etchemins. This sale was made for forty livres. M. Benac was, however, to pay the seigniorial due which might be charged to the said portion.
On March 21, 1695, Louis Marchand, part seignior of the seigniories of Vincennes and Mingan, granted to Charle-^- François Bissot, also part seignior of the seigniory of \'incennes, dwelling on the coast of Lauzon, permission to carry on trade, traffic and business in the land and seigniory of Mingan and dépendant places as well as fishing for cod and other fish, for the space of three consécutive years beginning in the spring of 1695, and also for ail the time that the said sieur Marchand should be absent from Québec in the country of the Ottawas, where he intended going the following spring, in case that he should stay there longer than the said three years. In return, M. Bissot was to pay him for each year a sum of fifty livres.
On November 9, 1695, Charles-François Bissot, François Joseph Bissot, Louis JoUiet and Charles Jolliet formed a partnership for the space of five years to go to Mingan and carry on business on the property of the late François Bissot de
30 Sieur de Vincennes Identified
la Rivière from the island aux Oeufs to the Bay des Espagnols.
On April 25, 1697, Charles-François Bissot and the other heirs of François Bissot de la Rivière leased and farnied out the seigniory of Mingan to Louis Jolliet for five years. After the death of Louis Jolliet in 1700 Charles-François Bissot and François-Joseph Bissot formed a partnership with the sons of the discoverer to continue the enterprise at Mingan. In 1703 François Hazeur advanced a sum of four thousand livres to the partners in the business at Mingan to load the ship Le Rosaire with merchandise necessary for their business.
On May 9, 1705, Charles-François Bissot and Joseph Guion du Rouvray formed a partnership for eighteen months to exploit at a common profit and a half of the loss or profit the fief and seigniory of Port à Choix in the island of Newfoundland, belonging to M. Hazeur, councillor in the Sovereign Council. The partners were to carry on at Port à Choix traffic, trading with the savages and commerce in fish.
It was understood that Joseph Guion Rouvray was to spend the winter at Port à Choix with a man whom AI. Bissot was to send him in his stead, while he returned with their ship to Québec in the autumn of 1705 and to return in the spring of 1706. Since his haste and the lack of time did not allow M. Bissot to find the man in question, it was understood that Guion de Rouvray should spend the winter alone at Port à Choix with four hired men and a young boy. As compensation M. Guion de Rouvray was to be paid from the whole sum before it was di\ided an amount which should be decided by two of their friends.
The same day Charles-François Bissot and Joseph Guion de Rouvray acknowledged that they owed to François Bissot
Sieur de Vincennes Identified 31
and to François and Jean Jolliet the stim of 300 livres for the freightage of the merchandise, victuals and tools which they had loaded on the ship the Saint Rosaire belonging to them and saiHng to Port à Choix. It was understood that the Saint Rosaire was to touch at Mingan on the way to Port à Choix. Charles François Bissot was, however, to take 60 pounds of thèse 300 livres to recompense himself for the pain and care which he would take in gniding the said ship.
This is the last known mention of Charles-François Bissot. As we hâve just seen he ought to hâve returned from Port à Choix in the spring of 1706. Did he die during this voyage? We are led to believe that he did, since on March 30, 1708, his brother François-Joseph Bissot and Joseph Guion de Roitvray formed a partnership to exploit a new settlement on the island of Newfoundland. His name does not figure in this partnership, in spite of the fact that since 1695 the two brothers had always been associated in ail their enterprises.
JEAN-BAPTISTE BISSOT DE VINCENNES (Father of François-Marie Bissot de Vincennes.)
Boni at Québec, January 19, 1668, of the marriage of François Bissot de la Rivière and Marie Couillard. He was baptized the 21st of the same month by M. Henry de Bernieres, curé de Québec. His godfather was M. Jean Talon, intendant of New France, and his godmother Guillemette- Marie Hébert, widow of Guillaume Couillard.
On November 3, 1672, the intendant Talon granted to François Bissot de la Rivière for his sons Jean Baptiste Bissot
de Vincennes (godson of M. Talon) and Bissot,
seventy acres of land frontage. a mile of depth on the river
32 Sieur de Vincennes Identified
St. Lawrence from the land belonging to the Sieur de la Citière to the land not yet conceded in fief and seigniory. This is the fief or seigniory of Vincennes. This concession was made under the ordinary conditions; to bring faith and homage to the château St. Louis, at Québec, to hold or cause to be held faith and place, to préserve the oak woods suitable for the construction of vessels, to give information concerning the mines and minerais and to leave open roads necessary for passage, etc., etc., M. Talon declared that he granted this seigniory to M. Bissot de la Rivière to give to his son Jean
Baptiste Bissot de Vincennes and Bissot more op-
portunity for establishing themselves.*
On November 10, 1676, Jean-Baptiste Bissot de Vincennes entered the seminary at Québec to pursue his éducation there. The archives of the seminary say in regard to him: ''not being fit for the ecclesiastical state, he left November 18, 1680." The seminary of Québec was obliged to sue the guardian of the young Bissot de Vincennes in order to be paid the price of his board and lodging. October 19, 1682, correcting a judgment of the Provost of Québec, the Sovereign Council ordered Louis Jolliet, guardian of Jean-Baptiste Bissot de Vincennes to pay to the seminary of Québec two years and a half of lx)ard at the rate of 230 livres a year and eighteen months at the rate of 150 livres a year.
On October 20, 1687, Jean-Baptiste Bissot de Vincennes showed to the Sovereign Council that, having reached the âge of tvventy years, and being on the point of going to France for a situation, it was necessary for him to hâve the government of his own property. He asked them to grant him his letters of the right of majority. The Sovereign Council ordered immediately the relatives of the young Bissot, paternal
*Pieces et Documents Relatifs a La Tenure Seigneuriale, p. 297.
Sieur de Vincennes Identified 33
as well as maternai, to meet before the lieutenant gênerai of the provost court to décide if he was capable of controUing and administering his property.*
What was this employment that Jean- Baptiste Bissot de Vincennes went to seek in France? The ambition of the sons of good family under the French régime was to serve as officers in the troops of the detachment of marines. In 1687 our old friend the intendant Talon held a place of confidence at court. We hâve no written proof of it, but is it not reasonable to présume that the young Bissot went to France to obtain the high influence of his godfather to enter the army?
On October 25, 1694, Jean-Baptiste Bissot sold to Louis Marchand ail the rights which he might hâve in the land and seigniory of Mingan, not only his share in his father's estate, the late François Bissot de la Rivière, of whom he was an eighth heir, but also that which lie might hâve later after the death of his mother, plus the free half in the land and seigniory of Vincennes. This sale was made under the charge of rights and duties under which things sold could be charged for the future and the price of 2,500 livres which the purchaser Marchand promised to pay, 1,000 livres in one year, 1,000 in two years and 500 in three years.*
On March 21, 1695, Jean-Baptiste Bissot de Vincennes, eighth part heir in the succession of the late François Bissot de la Rivière, his father, sold to Etienne Charest, his brotherin-law, ail that belonged and reverted to him in the land,
*Jugements Et Délibérations Du Conseil Souverain, vol. 111. p. 189.
*Acte de Chauibalon, October 25, 1694. Tbere was evidently a subséquent transaction between Louis Marchand and Jean-Baptiste Bissot, since the latter remained in possession of the seigniory of Vincennes, and since 15 years later, July 10, 1709, he sold his rights in the seigniory of Mingan to François Bissonuet, wig maker of Montréal.
34 Sieur de Vincennes Identified
Lauzon. M. Bissot de Vincennes reserved for himself only buildings, mill and tannery of Point Levy and on the coast of the part which belonged to him in the seven islands and the land along the river of the Etchemins. This sale was made under the charge of the quit rent, the rents and the seignioral rights under which things sold could be charged toward the seignior of the place, and to acquit the seller of the standing debts of the succession of his father that could be claimed froni him. M. Charest paid him moreover a sum of 500 livres.* The act of sale called M. Jean-Baptiste Bissot de
*Acte de Genaple, 21 Mars, 1695.
Vincennes "ensign in the detachment of the Marine in this country."
In 1696 the military authorities of the colony gave to the minister their opinion about the officers who served in the troops of the detachment of the Marine. M. de Vincennes was sub-ensign and the postscript "Good Officer" was added to his name.f
The governor of Frontenac had always been of the opinion that the best means of making the tribes of the west fight against the Iroquois was to keep up garrisons at Michilimakinac and at the posts which were dépendent on it. He wrote to the minister if thèse garrisons are deserted, it will be impossible to control thèse tribes. In September, 1696, the ambassadors of the dififerent tribes of the west met M. de Frontenac at Québec. He spoke to the delegates of each one of thèse tribes through interpreters and dismissed them saying to them: 'T do not at ail wish that you should return to your home empty handed. Hère are guns, powder and balls which I give you. Make good use of them. They are not for slaying beef and the roe buck, but they are to kill the Iroquois
tL'abbe Daniel, Aperçu Sur Quelques Contemporains, p. 44.
Sieur de Vincennes Identified 35
who lack much more than you powder and lead. Remember that there is nothing but war which can make true men noteworthy, and war it is which brings it about that I recognize you by your name. Nothing pleases me so much as to see the face of a warrior. This is what I give you. You can go when you will."
Then profiting by the favorable disposition of the tribe, a little later M. de Frontenac sent M. d'Ailleboust d'Argenteuill to MichiHmakinac and M. de Vincennes to the Miamis. The latter was to command the latter post.* M. de Vincennes received thus his first command, but it is évident that he had already made several journeys among the Miamis and that he had even lived for a time among them.
On November 14, 1704, M. de Ramezay, governor of Montréal, wrote to minister Pontchartrain : "There is reason to présume that the Sr. de Vincennes, petty officer, who was sent this summer to the Miamis by way of the Détroit river with three canoës laden with merchandise and brandy under the pretext of going to patch up the quarrels of the savages, and of others there which had been settled b}- M. de la Mothe, spoke of the same disorders. Whereas Sr. Rabiston, who descended from Détroit with fifteen men met the said Sr. de Vincennes ten miles from Montréal, and who on his arrivai informed M. de Vaudreuil that he carried more than four hundred jugs of brandy, of which he made a great boast. It would hâve been easy to remedy this if the Sr. de Vincennes had exceded his orders. He only had to send a canoë to look for him which could hâve reached him in a day since the Sr. de Vincennes was at the bottom of a cedar-covered hill, where it was necessary to make portages of everything that was in
*De hi Potherie, Histoire De L'Amérique Septentrionale, Vol. 111, p. 309.
36 Sieur de Vincennes Identified
the canoës, which brought it about that he could not advance. But instead of going to the source to prevent his wrong doing he contended himself by feigning to be very angry. Since this aftair caused much comment he said pubHcly that he would hâve him punished on his return. You will notice, Monseigneur, if you please, that brandy sells at Michilimakinac for forty and fifty francs a jug; Vincennes would therefore thus hâve gained 20,000 Hvres or 10,000 ecus. He ran little risk of losing his rank of petty officer in a place where little was heard of the court. Since M. de Vaudreuil's administration may be extremely prejudicial to the colony it is none the less so for the government. One niight almost say that there will be no more peace. The Jesuits hâve refound their kingdom.*
On November 14, 1704, M. de Lamothe-Cadillac sent to Minister Pontchartrain a memoir on the establishment of Détroit. Lamothe-Cadillac used the method of question and answer. The minister was supposed to inquire and Lamothe- Cadillac replied. In spite of its interest this memoir is too long to be reproduced hère in its entirety. We will content ourselves in taking out of it the passages which relate to ]M. de Vincennes.
"Answer. It is easy to see. Monseigneur, that you wish to be instructed. I admire your patience which never tires concerning that which relates to the service of the king. If that which I hâve had the honor to relate to you merits any attention the things of which you are about to be informed deserve ail your attention. This now is the very plan which has been made to destroy Détroit, however I would not dare go on if you did not order me to do it.
"Question. You may do it and count on my protection
♦Archives du Canada, Correspondence Générale, Vol. 22.
provided only that you make no false accusation and do not alter the truth in any respect.
"Answer. I never départ from that principle. I hâve never had any patron saint other than the truth itself, and I hâve such great confidence in her that I believe myself invincible as long as I fight under her standards. I am about then to expose to you the facts on which you can draw w'hatever conclusions please you. The public has drawn its own."
Then M. de Lamothe-Cadillac speaks of M. de Tonty, of M. d'Ailleboust de Manthet and of M. de la Découvert. He then goes on to M. de Vincennes.
"The fourth case is that the Sieur de Vincennes was sent to the Miamis with an order to go to Détroit, being sent to Sr. de Tonty, the said Sr. de Vincennes having three canoës laden with merchandise and more than four hundred jugs of brandy, under the pretext of going to terminate the v^ar begun by the Miamis-Ouyatatanon against the nations settled at Détroit and against the Iroquois. Observation on the fourth act.
This quarrel being settled both M. the Governor General and the intendant were informed that it was not natural to send ensigns to settle the différences between nations in a post where there was a commandant named by the court. That is why, there being a question about the sending of Sr. de Vincennes, he told me that M the Governor General had his share in the merchandise which he was carrying. I declared to him as I talked to him that he had replied to me that he w^ould discharge him because he had not permitted him to take more than two canoës.
The twelfth fact is that the Sr. de Vincennes was actually at Détroit with four hundred jugs of brandy where he had a cabaret, having been the precursor of M. de Louvigny, major
38 Sieur de Vincennes Identified
of Québec, brother-in-law of de Lino super intendent de Nolan, a dishonest clerk, a relative of Chatellereau, another clerk of Détroit and the Cr. de Louvigny who was himself convicted of having disobeyed the order of the king by an arrest of the council. The said Sr. de Vincennes has also been precursor of Sr. Vincelot a sub-delegate of M. l'Intendent, who informed nie that in spite of my order not only had brandy not been spared to corrupt the savages but they had not done what they had been desired to do. This pretended sub-delegate was a first cousin of Seignior Finaud who is my partner and belonging to a race of which I hâve already spoken.*
November 16, 1704, J\I. de Vaudreuil wrote to ÎNIinister Pontchartrain : "I know Mgr. that your intention and the welfare of the service of the king demands that neutrality with the Iroquois nations be maintained as much as is possible. I dare moreover to assure you that I give to it every care, and that I moreover dare to hope to succeed in spite of ail the efforts which the English are making to embroil them with us, having found the secret of persuading the upper nations, our allies, to begin war with them in order to oblige us to déclare ourselves and to take part. Since this affair is of the utmost importance, we hâve believed, Sr. de Beauharnois and I, that v.e ought not to neglect anything which would arrest the conséquences of it, and following this plan v.'e hâve had the honor to inform you in our common letter that we sent Sr. Vaillant and Sr. de Jonquaire to the Sonnontouans, and that I sent Sr. Vincennes to the Miamis, to whom I gave my orders and speeches to make to them for me. Sr. de Vincennes was formerly commandant among the Miamis by
♦Archives du Canada, Corresiiondauce générale, vol 22; O'Callaghan, Documents Relative to the Colonial History of the State of New York, vol. IX. p. 750.
Sieur de Vincennes Identified 39
whom he was very mucli loved ; for this reason I chose him in préférence to another to make this nation realize the wrong they had donc in attacking the Iroquois, our alhes and theirs, without any other object. We permitted, Sr. de Beauharnois and I, the Sr. de Vincennes to take with him certain goods and six men and two canoës to make more speed.
Sr. de Lamothe coming from Détroit informed us that he had met Sr. de Vincennes with three canoës and two men in addition. This disobedience to the orders which 1 had given him made me décide immediately to piinish him, and since he is a petty ofificer in the troops I resolved to discharge him, and even asked M. the intendant to obtain some information on the advice which had been given us. I still remain Mgr., of this opinion, if the gênerons action which he has just done in Détroit and of which we told you in our letter does not obHge me to write to you in his favor and demand grâce for him."
Speech of the Marquis de Vaudreuil sent to the Miamis of the river St. Joseph through the agency of M. de Vincennes :
"1. I arrive hère, my brothers, to represent your father, to tell you that he is surprised that the Miamis, whom he regarded as the most obedient of his children, hâve disobeyed his orders. Tell me then, are you drunk ; hâve you lost your mind?
"Ought you not to remember what we said when we made a gênerai peace with ail the nations, that in the future you would hunt peaceably, and that you would take the Iroquois for your brothers, and that you would hâve but one fire, one dish, one belt, one knife, and that you would drink together the same soup every time that you met? You hâve however broken your word ; you hâve reddened the earth with the blood
40 Sieur de Vincennes Identified
of the Iroquois. I corne then to demand of you why you hâve broken your word, since he received you so well last winter in his hunting cabins.
'*2. I know, my brothers, that you received the first blow, but you knew well enough that it was not the Iroquois who had struck, but those brothers of the wolves, the Enghsh, and when the Iroquois had struck you you ought to hâve corne to complain as you had ail decided. You ought to hâve imitated the Iroquois who allowed themselves to be struck by you without defending themselves, and were content to carry their complaint to their father Onontio.
"3. I corne to bring back to you the mind which you hâve lost and to show you your own interests. In order to appease your father, begin by sending me instantly ail the Iroquois prisoners which are with your nation, and above ail those which were taken last winter.
"4. Take also the necessary measures to satisfy your brother the Iroquois. He has a right to complain of you, and you know well enough the wrong which }0U hâve done. Do it in such a way that I may hear no more talk about it, because I cannot be prevented from executing the terms of the peace which you ought to remember. Refîect on this speech."*
Nov. 17, 1704, MM. de Vaudreuil and de Beauharnois wrote to Minister Pontchartrain : "The neutrality of the Iroquois being, Mgr., the subject in this country, to which we ought to give the closest attention, in order to préserve tranquility, we hâve believed that we ought to neglect nothing in order to content thèse nations and to hold them in our interest. Since the Tsonnontouans seemed to us the most devoted to the French we judged it fîtting to send to them Sr.
♦Archives du Canada, Correspondance, générale, vol. 22.
Sieur de Vincennes Identified 41
de Jonquaire and Father Vaillant. Sr. de Vaudreuil detached Sr. de Vincennes, officer, who had formerly been in command of the jMiamis, and by whom he was still loved, to find out the reasons they had had for attacking the Tsonnontouans, our allies and theirs, and to make them give to the latter the satisfaction which was their due. * * *
''Sr. Tonty, Mgr., who is in command at Détroit in the absence of Sr. de Lamothe, advised us four days ago that a Ottawa chief named Campanie who had taken out the party against the Iroquois at Missilimakinac and who had made the prisoners which he had taken from the Iroquois, and that attack on Fort Frontenac had passed his fort with six he had even had the effrontery to give the death-cry outside the fort with the apparent design of causing the savages who are of his nation to déclare themselves for him. Sr. de Tonty realizing the slight which he was putting the French by this action, and knowing moreover our intentions judged it proper, Mgr., to send Sr. de Vincennes to this savage, the same man whom Sr. de Vaudreuil had detached to go to the Miamis in order to settle the war which had just been kindled between thèse two nations. He at the head of twenty Frenchmen brought back four of their prisoners, although alniost thirty Ottawas from the fort had gone there to take the part of their people. Sr. de Tonty received the two others the next day and this aftair was more advantageous to us because without counting our obligations to the Iroquois it made ail the nations realize that we could not allow anyone to mistreat our allies in our présence. In addition to the fact that at the same time there were at Détroit some Miamis who had come to take back three of their prisoners, as the Sr. de Vaudreuil had commanded them, and to whom it was of conséquence to make known that they were not the only ones whom we obliged to make satisfaction.
42 Sieur de Vinceknes Identified
"The action of the Sr. de Vincennes seems so fine that in spite of the advice which had been given to Sr. de Vaudreuil and de Beauharnois that he had disobeyed the orders written in his pass-port, and concerning whom Sr. de Vaudreuil had begged Sr. de Beauharnois to get information before forming himself the resohition to take from him on his return the rank of petty officer which had been bestowed upon him. They could not but see the need they had of him on account of the influence which he had over the minds of the Savage Miamis, the services which he had rendered and the deed which he had just donc. They must show you, Mgr., that they hope that you will approve their intention of pardoning him."
October 19, 1705, Governor de \^audreuil wrote to the minister : *T had the honor last year of bringing to your attention the fact that I regarded the continuation of peace with the Iroquois as the principal affair of this country, and since it is on this principle that I hâve always worked, it is also this which obHged me to send Sr. Jonquaire to the Tsonnontouans, Sr. de Vincennes to the Miamis, and which obliged me last spring to send Sr. de Louvigny to Missihmakinac to bring back from there prisoners which thèse savages had taken from the Iroquois at Fort Frontenac in the autumn. * * *
"The Iroquois chiefs arrived at Montréal about the beginning of August and staid there until the 14th, when, having no news, I resolved to send them away and to send them back their prisoners for this purpose. * * *
"The Iroquois started to return to their country when Sr. de Vincennes arrived and told me that he had come down with one of the chiefs of Missihmakinac who was sending him ahead to fînd out if they could appear before me in order that they might confess their shortcomings, and détail the
Sieur de Vincennes Identified 43
manner in which they pretended to give satisfaction to the Iroquois. The speeches of the one and the others with my reply will give you information of ail that passed at Montréal during their stay until they went away entirely content, after I had given them ail a banquet to renew their ancient alliance. It gave me indeed a véritable satisfaction to hâve accomplished your orders."
June 9, 1705, the minister blamed M. de Vaudreuil severely for having sent M. de Vincennes among the Miamis and M. de Louvigny to Missilimakinac, since both of them carried on commerce openly. M. de Louvigny, said the minister, had been punished, and M. de Vincennes ought to be likewise. Far from doing it they had kept in a dungeon for six months the man named Neveu, who had denounced him.*
June 17, 1705, the king had a letter written to M. de Vaudreuil: "His majesty has seen what he lias written on the subject of the Sr. de Vincennes. His majesty desires that in considération of the good action which he has done in rescuing the Iroquois from the hands of the Ottawas who had taken them prisoner, that they pardon the offense which he committed in carrying brandy in défiance of Sr. de Vaudreuil on the voyage v\ hich he had made at his orders to the Miami."
June 9, 1706, Minister de Pontchartrain wrote to M. de Vaudreuil : "The acknowledgment which you make of having permitted Srs. de Manthet, de la Découverte and Vincennes to take with them some merchandise on the voyages which they gave made for you in the upper country is sufficient to hâve given reason to the belief that they hâve carried on commerce, above ail, the said Sr. de la Découverte, who is
""Edouard Richard, Supplément du Rapport du Dr. Bryruuer sur les Archives Canadiennes, 1899, p. 375.
44 Sieur de Vincennes Identified
an arrant traiter. Therefore, I beg of you to refrain as much as you can from sending him into this country, since the service demands absolutely that you choose for sending there people of whose fidelity you are sure."
June 30, 1707, Minister Pontchartrain linding that without doubt M. de Vincennes had been sufficiently punished, wrote to J\I. de Vaudreuil to reestablish him in his duties : "I hâve seen that to which you call my attention in relation to the subject of the commerce which it is pretended that the Srs. de Louvigny and de Vincennes bave carried on among the Miamis and the Missillimakinacs. I hope that what I hâve written to you about it will cause you to give more attention to the conduct of those whom you send to distant posts, and that his majesty will receive no more complaints about their trading. His majesty desires that you restablish Vincennes in his duties of petty ensign which you bave taken away from him.*
July 10, 1709, Jean-Baptiste Bissot de Vincennes sold to François Bissonnet, merchant wig maker, living at Montréal, the part and contingent portions reverting to him in the entire extent of the concession belonging to his f ather and mother situated on the river St. Lawrence, from l'Ile aux Oeufs to Blanc-Sablons, with ail the islands of Mingan and others contained in ail of the said extent. This sale was made under the charges and reversions which this portion of the concession could owe to the king at each change of ownership, and for the sum of 150 livres.
In 1712 the Foxes formed a plot with the Five Nations and the English to drive the French from Détroit. The Mascoutins and Kikapous were also of the party. M. de Du Buisson commanded at Détroit replacing M. de La Forest, successor to M. Lamonthe-Cadillac, retained at Québec. This ^Archives du Canada, Série B. 20, 1.
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officer was brave and experienced, but he had under his order only thirty French ; and to crown the disaster, the Ottawas and the Hurons, their intimate friends at Détroit, had not yet returned from their hunting expédition. The situation was critical. On May 13, 1712, M. de Vincennes arrived at Détroit from among the Miamis. He was a powerful aid to M. Du Buisson. The two brave officers conquered the Foxes. but after much weariness and prodigies of valor on the part of the little garrison under their orders. In a letter dated Détroit, June 15, 1712, M. Du Buisson relates the whole event to M. de Vaudreuil.
"As I hâve believed that it was of great conséquence to inform you of the state of this post, by a canoë, as quickly as possible. I hâve requested M. de Vincennes to make this voyage, having assured him that this would be pleasing to you, persuaded, as I am Mgr., that you are very solicitons to know what goes on hère. The fatigue I undergo day and night in conséquence of the pubh"c and private councils that I hold with the Indians preventing me from sending you a detailed account of ail the circumstances. M. de Vincennes has promised to forget nothing which has passed in order to communicate it ail to you.
"The destruction of two Mascoutin and Outagamie villages is one of the principal reasons which induces me to send this canoë. God has permitted thèse two audacious nations to perish. They had received many présents and some belts from the English to destroy the post of Fort Pontchartrain, to eut our throats {ind those of some of our allies, oî whom the Hurons and Ottawas lived on the Détroit river. Then thèse wretches were to go back among the English and to devote themselves to them in order to continually to do harm. It is said that the band of Ouinetouan and that of Makate-
46 Sieur de Vincenxes Identified
mangouas hâve been received among the Iroquais and hâve established a village among them. This information has been brought by three canoës of Ottagamies who hâve been defeated by the Chippeways, within four leagues of this post. I fear much for the safety of M. de Laforest, because being no doubt upon his march to this place, he may fall in vvith some of thèse bands of the hostile Ottagamies who hâve joined the Iroquois. The band of the great chief, Lamyma and that of the grand chief Pemoiissa came early in the spring and encamped, in spite of my opposition, about fïfty paces from my fort, never willing to listen to me, speaking always with much insolence and calling themselves the masters of ail this country. It was necessary for me to be very mild having as you know, M., but thirty Frenchmen with me, and wishing to keep with me eight of the Miamis who were with M. de Vincennes, and also to sow our grain and pasture our cattle. Besides, the Ottawas and Hurons had not corne in from their winter hunt. I was thus exposed every day to a million insults. The fowls, pigeons and other animais belonging to the French were killed without their daring to say a word, and for myself I was in no condition openly to déclare my intentions. One of them entered my fort to stab one of the inhabitants named la Jeunesse and a grown daughter of Roy, another inhabitant. I could then no longer restrain myself, but took arms to prevent their accomplishing their wicked intention. I compelled them to retire immedately, in ordcr not to give them time to increase their party, since they also were waiting for the Kickapoos, their allies, that they might together exécute their nefarious project and be strong enough to retire, fearing nothing, to the English and Iroquois. Thèse wretches w^aited but for a favorable moment to set fîre to the fort and to over-power us. It was an entirely dififerent matter when
Sieur de Vincennes Identified 47
they learned that the Mascoiitins who had wintered on the headvvaters of the St. Joseph had been killed, to the number of 150 soûls, mens, women and children, by Saguisma, a war chief of the Ottowas and Pottawatamies. They immediately determined to set fire to an Ottawa cabin which was near the gâte of my fort. I was informed of their intention by an Ottagami Indian named Joseph, who long since left his people and devoted himself entirely to the French. It was from hini I learned ail that passed in the village of the Ottaganiies and the Mascoutins. He had the hotior to be presented to von, yi., last year at Montréal. He informed me also that I was to be burned in my own fort, and I immediately sent a French canoë to the winter hunting ground of the Ottawas and the Hurons to reqnest them to hasten and come to join me. I sent also another canoë to the other side of the lake to invite the Chippaways, the Mississagues and the Amiquois to join my party.
The church and M. Mallet's liouse were outside the fort, and ail the grain supply of our savages was stored there. The contrary winds which blew ail the time prevented ail the sa\ages who were our allies from arriving, which troubled me much, as I felt myself hard pressed. I encouraged the few Frenchmen who were with me immediately to bring the wheat into the fort. And it was well we did so, for two days later I would hâve had no supplies except for the moment, and it would hâve been necessary to skirmish in order to take possession of it, and much of it would even hâve been pillaged from us. The most important thing was to pull down as quîckly as possible the church, the storehouse and some other houses which vv^ere near my fort, and so close that the enemy could hâve succeeded in setting fire to the fort whenever they wanted to. And besides it was important to clear the place in order
48 Sieur de Vincennes Identified
to défend ourselves in case of an attack which very soon took place. We must return a thousand thanks to the Lord. We should hâve been lost if I had not formed this intention. I put on the best countenance I could, encouraging the French, who were in consternation, believing themselves surely lost. The fear I entertained, that some accident might happen to the French who had not yet arrived and the necessity of sowing our grain and pasturing our cattle, prevented me from refusing them permission to enter my fort to trade, for fear they should suspect that I knew their pernicious object. The only thing I could do was to tell them that I apprehended that the Miamis, who knew that I permitted them to remain so near, would make war upon me, and therefore I was about to repair my fort. They did not appear to give much crédit to my assertions.
It was necessary to fire our giuis occasionally in order to get some logs v/hich were outside the fort and of which they had taken possession. I set about, as quickly as possible, to repair the fort, with those which I succeeded in taking away from them. And I succeeded in strengthening it perfectly well with material from the bouses. I employed a ruse to obtain possession of a pigeon-house which they wished to keep. which might hâve given us much trouble and caused us much loss of life. I placed it immediately opposite their fort and pierced it with loop holes. I mounted two swivels on two great logs of wood to serve as cannon in case of necessity.
The 13th of May, While I was impatiently waiting the arrivai of my allies, whom I had sent out to lind, who were the only aid I could expect, M. de Vincennes, arrived from among the Miamis with seven or eight Frenchmen. He brought me no news of the savages whom I was awaiting, which gave me much trouble, as I now did not know on what Saint to call.
Sieur de Vincennes Identified 49
But heaven watched over our préservation, and when I least expected it there entered a Huron ail breathless vvho said to me: "My father, I ask to speak to you in secret. I am sent to you by our old men." There were then in their villages but seven or eight men, it seems that everything which happened was miraculous, for ail the others, arrived two hours afterwards and the Ottawas also. The messenger said "God has pity on you. He desires that your enemies and ours should perish. I bring you news that four men hâve just arrived at our fort, not daring to enter yours on account of the Ottagamies and Mascoutins who surround you. Makisabie, war chief of the Pottawatamies the brother of Tekamasinon and two others désire to speak to you. I begged M. de Vincennes to meet them and he recognized the four Indians. He came an hour later to reply to me and told me on the part of Makisabie that 600 men would soon arrive to aid me, and to eat those misérable nations who had troubled ail the country. That it was necessary to keep myself on guard against being surprised by the Ottagamies and Mascoutins who might learn of the arrivai of this assistance.
I begged M. de Vincennes to return to the Huron fort and to fînd out from Makisabie if he could not find means to satisfy himself with driving away the Mascoutins and the Ottagamies and compelling them to return to their former villages which was, Monsieur, your intention. But this could not be donc, for the Hurons were too much enraged. This great aft'air had been too well concerted during the whole autumn and winter with ail the nations, and présents had been given. M. de Vincennes perceiving that it would only irritate the Hurons to speak of a reconciliation, dropped the subject, the more readily as they said thèse wicked men had never kept their word. We could only then be silent and put the best face
50 Sieur de Vincenxes Identified
on the affair, while we fonght with them against our comnion enemy. The Hurons even reproached us with being tired of Hving, since we kiiew the bad intentions of the Ottagamies and the Mascoutins. They said it was absolutely necessary to destroy them and to extinguish their fire, and it was your intention they should perish. They knew your views on this subject at Montréal.
AI. de Vincennes returned and told me it was usless to talk of any reconcilation. And in truth I well knew that it was a cause for fear to hâve so many nations around us of whose good intentions we were not certain. I therefore closed the gâtes of the fort and divided my few Frenchman into four brigades, each having its brigadier. 1 inspected their arms and amunition, and assigned them their stations on the bastions. I put four of them into the redoubt I hâve just constructed. I placed some of them at the two curtains where there was the most to fear, armed with drawn swords. Aly two cannon were ail ready with slugs of iron prepared to load them, which had been made ready by the blacksmith. Our révérend father, on his side, bestirred himself, holding himself ready to give a gênerai absolution in case of need, and to succor the wounded if perchance there should be any. He communicated also the Sacred Host.
Every arrangement being made and while we were waiting with impatience I was informed that there were many people in sight. I immediately ascended a bastion and casting my eyes toward the woods I saw the army of the nations of the South coming from that direction. They were the Illinois, the Missouris, the Osages and other nations still more remote. There were also with them the Ottawa chief, Saguima, and also the Potawatamies, the Saks, and some Alenomenies. Détroit never saw so many people. It is surprising how much
ail thèse nations are angered against the Mascoutins and the Ottagamies. This army marched in good order, with as many flags as there were différent nations, and it proceeded directly to the fort of the Hurons, who said to the head chief of this army "You must not encamp. Affairs are too pressing. We must enter immediately into our father's fort and fight for him. Since he has always had pity on us and since he loves us, we ought to die for him. Do you not see that smoke also? There are three women of your village, Saguima, who are burning there, and your wife is among them." Not another word was necessary, There arose a great cry and at the same time they ail began to run headlong. The Hurons and the Ottawas of this place at their head. The Ottagamies and Mascoutins raised also their war cry and about forty of them rushed from their fort ail naked and painted, brandishing their arms in every direction to meet our men and defying them in order to make them believe that they feared them not at ail. They were obliged however to retreat immediately and to return to their village. Our Indians asked my permission to enter my fort, which I granted, seeing that they were much excited. It was my plan to hâve them encamp near the woods, that they miglît not be troublesome. Ail the Indian chiefs assembled on the parade ground of my fort and spoke to me as f ollows :
"My father, I speak to you on the part of ail the nations your children who are before you. Wliat you did last year in drawing their flesh from the fire, which the Ottagamies were about to roast and eat, well merits that we should bring you our bodies, to make you master of them and to do ail that you wish. We do not fear death, when it is necessar}'^ to die for you. We only beg that you pray the father of ail nations to hâve pity on our women and children, in case we lose our life with you. We beg that you throw a blade of grass
52 Sieur de Vincennes Identified
upon our bones to protect them from the Aies. You see, my father, that we hâve left our villages, our women and our children to corne as quickly as possible to join you. We hope that you will hâve pity on us, that you will give us something to eat and a little tobacco to smoke. We hâve corne from a distance and are destitute of everything. We hope that you will give us powder and balls to fight with you. W'e don't make a great speech. We perceive that we fatigue you and the French by the ardor which you show for the fight."
I immediately answered them briefly: "I thank you my children; the désire which you hâve to conie and oft'er to die Avith me is very agreeable to me and causes me much pleasure. I recognize you as true children of the governor. I shall not fail to render him an account of ail you hâve donc for me today. You need not doubt that when any question respecting your interests arises he will busy himself about it with much ardor. I receive orders from him constantly to watch continually for the préservation of his children. With regard to your needs, I know that you want everything. The fire which has just taken place is unlucky for you as well as for we; I will, however, do ail I can to provide you with what is most necessary. I invite you to live in peace, union and good will together as well among your différent nations as with my Frenchmen. This will be the best means of enabling us entirely to defeat our common enemies. Take courage then. Repair your tomahawks, your bows and your arrows and especially your guns. T shall presently distribute powder and balls among you, and then we will attack our enemies. This is ail I hâve to say to you."
AU the Indians uttered a loud cry of joy and of thanks, saying: "Our enemies are dead from the présent moment. The heavens begin to grow clear and the Master of Life has pity on us."
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Ail the old men made harangues throughout the entire fort to encourage the warriors, telling them to listen well to my words and to obey me in ail the manoeuvres that I was about to hâve them perform. I distributed immediately powder and bail among them and then we ail together raised the war cry. The very earth trembled. The enemy, who were not more than a pistol shot away, raised also their war cry. At the same time the guns were immediately discharged on both sides and the balls flew like bail. We had to do as our Indians did, in order to encourage them. The powder and balls which you had the goodness to send us last autumn did not last long. I was obliged to hâve recourse to the three barrels that M. de Lamothe left with a certain Roy to sell, leaving me not a single grain when he went away for the défense of the fort in case of an attack. Ail mine was exhausted, which had gone but a little way, as well as a quantity which I had been obliged to purchase from some of the French people.
I held the Ottagamies and the Mascoutins in a state of siège during nineteen days, wearing them out by a continuai tire night and day. In order to avoid our fire they were ol^liged to dig holes four or five feet deep in the ground and to shelter themselves there. I had erected two large scaffolds twenty feet high the better to fire into their villages. They could not go out for water. Hunger and thirst exhausted them. I had from four to fîve hundred men who blockaded their village, day and night, so that no one could go out to seek assistance. Ail of our Indians went to hide at the edgc of the wood whence they continually returned with prisoners who were coming to join their people not knowing they were besieged. Their pastime was to shoot them or to fîre arrows at them and burn them.
54 Sieur de Vincennes Identified
The enemy which I had held besieged, thinking to intimidatc me and by this means to oblige me to leave the field open to them, covered their palisades with scarlet blankets and thcn shouted to me that they wished that the earth was ail covered with blood. Thèse red blankets were the mark of it. They hoisted twelve red blankets as standards in twelve différent places of their village. I well knew that thèse signais were English, and they fought for theni. This indeed they shouted to me, speaking from one fort to the other. They said they had no father but the English, and told ail the nations, our allies, that they would do much better to quit our side and join theirs.
The great war chief of the Pottawatamies after having asked my advice and permission, mounted one of my scaffolds and spoke to our enemies in the name of ail our nations in thèse words : "Wicked nations that you are ; you hope to frighten us by ail that red color which you show in your village. Learn that if the earth is covered with blood, it vvill be with y ours. You speak to us of the English. They are the cause of your destruction, because you hâve listened to their bad council. They are the enemies of prayer, and it is for that reason that the Master of Life chastises them as well as you, wicked men that you are. Don't you know as well as we do that the Father of ail the nations, who is at Montréal, sends continually parties of his children against the English to make war upon them, and that they take so many prisoners that they do not know where to put them? Thèse English who are cowards only défend theniselves secretly by killing men by that wicked drink brandy, which has caused so many men to die immcdiately after drinking it. Thus we shall see v^^hat will happen to you too for having listened to their words."
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I was obliged to stop this conversation perceiving that the enemy had asked my permission to speak only to divert us and to hâve a little time to go for water. Thirst distressed them much. I ordered our great fire to recommence, which was so violent that we killed more than thirty men and some women who had secretly gone ont for water. I lost, that day in my fort, twelve men, who were killed by our enemies. In spite of me, the enemy had taken possession of a house, where they had erected a scaffold, behind the gable-end which was made of earth. Our rifle balls could not penetrate this défense and thus every day some of our people were killed. This obliged me to raise upon one of my scafifolds the two large logs upon which were mounted my swivels. I loaded them with slugs and caused them to be fired upon the gable-end which troubled me so much. The first two discharges carried so successfully that we heard the scafïold which they had built back of the gable fall in ruins and some of the enemy were killed there. They were so frightened by this shooting of the cannon that we heard them utter cries and frightful groans, and toward evening they called out to beg that I would allow them to come and speak to me. Immediately I assembled the chiefs of the nations who were with me to find out their opinion, and we ail agreed that we ought to let them come, in order by some statagem. to try and withdraw from their hands three women of our people whom they had made prisoners some days before the seige, one of whom was the wife of the great chief Saguima. I shouted to them through my interpréter that they might come in safety to speak to me, as I was perfectly willing to give them that satisfaction before they died.
They did not fail the next morning to come. We were ver}' much surprised not to see their red flags in the village.
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but only a white one. ïhe great chief Pemoussa was the liead of this first embassy. He came out of his village with two other savages, a white flag in his hand. I sent my interpréter to bring him to me and to protect him from insuit from any young warrior. He entered my fort. I placed him in the middle of the parade-ground and then I assembled ail the chiefs of the nations, who were with me, to hear ail together. The ambassador spoke in thèse words, presenting a belt of wampum and two slaves: "My father I am dead. I see very well that heaven is clear and beautiful for you alone, and that for me it is ail dark. When I left my village I hoped that you would listen to me. I beg of you, my father, by this belt which I lay at }Our feet, that you hâve pity on your children, and that you do not efuse them the two days, that they ask you, in which there shall be no fi ring on either side, that our old men may hold a council to find means of softening your spirit. It is to you that I now speak, you other children obeying the word of our father. This belt is to pray you to remember that you are our kindred. If you shed our blood, remember that it is also your own. I pray you to soften the heart of our father, whom we hâve so often angered. 'Jliese two slaves are to replace, perhaps, a little blood which you may hâve lost. I speak to you only thèse few words until our old men take council together. if you grant us the two days that I ask of you."
This, Monsieur, is what I replied to him: *'lf your hearts were a little moved and if you truly considered the governor as your father you would hâve begun by bringing to me the three Avomen whom you hold as prisoners. Not having donc this, I believe your hearts are still bad. If you wish that I listen to you, begin b}- bringing them to me. This is ail I hâve to say."
Ail the chiefs who were with me cried aloud : "My father, after what you hâve just said we hâve nothing to reply to this ambassador. Let him obey you if he wishes to live."
The ambassador replied : "I am only a child ; I shall return to my village to render an account to our old men."
Thus finishing the council, I gave him three or four Frenchmcu to take him back, assuring him that we would not fire during the entire day, as their old men had requested, on condition that no one should leave the village to seek water, and if an}- one saw them do it the truce should be at an end and we would fire upon them immediately.
Two hours after two Mascoutin chiefs and a third, an Ottagami, came, flag in hand, with the three women in question. I made them enter the same place that the first had entered, where were assembled ail our savage chiefs. Thèse three messengers spoke as follows : *'My father, hère are thèse three morsels of flesh you ask of us. We hâve not eaten them, thinking you would call us to account for it. Do what }ou please with them. You are the master. Now we, the Mascoutins and the Ottagamies, beg that you cause ail the nations who are with you to retire in order that we be free to seek provisions for our women and children. Many die every day of hunger and of distress. Ail our village regrets that we hâve angered you. If you are as good a father as ail your children, who are around you say you are, you will not refuse the favor we ask of you."
Since I had the three women whom I asked, I did not care longer to parley with them ; I therefore answered : "If you had eaten my flesh, which you hâve brought to me, you would not Ije living at this moment. You would hâve feît such terrible blows that they would hâve forced you into the earth so deep that no one would any longer speak of
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you. So true is it that I love the flesh of the father of ail the nations. With regard to the liberty which you demand of me, I leave it to my children to answer you. Therefore I speak no more."
The head chief of the Illinois, whose name is Makouandeby, was appointed by the chiefs of the other nations to speak in thèse words : "My father, we thank you for ail your kindness to us. We thank you for it, and since you give us permission to speak, we shall do so."
And then, addressing the hostile chiefs, he said: "Now listen to me, ye nations who hâve troubled ail the earth. We well see, in ail your words, that you seek only to surprise our father and to deceive him again, in asking that he would cause us to retire. We should no sooner do so tlian you would again torment our father. You would inevitably shed his blood. You are dogs who hâve always bitten him. You hâve never been sensible to the favors which you hâve received from ail the French. You hâve believed, wretches that you are, that we did not know ail the commands you hâve received from the English, to eut the throats of our father, and of his children hère, and then to lead the English into this country. Go away then. For us we will not stir a step; we Avish to die with our father; and if he should tell us to go away from you, wc would disobey him, because knowing your wicked heart, we do not want to leave him alone with you. We shall see from this moment who are to be masters, you or we. You hâve only now to retire, and as soon as you shall reenter your fort we shall begin our fire."
I sent an escort to conduct the ambassadors to their fort, and we began to fire again as usual. We were three or four days without communication, firing constantly and briskly on
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both sides. The enemy discharged their arrows so rapidly that more than three or four hundred were flying in the air at the saille time. At their ends were lighted bombs and others with fuses of powder v/ith the object of setting us on fire as they had threatened to do. I found niyself very much embarrassed. Their arrows fell in every direction on the houses, which were only covered with straw, so that the lire caught hère and there, which so frightened the French that they thought they were lost. I reassured theni, telHng then that this was nothing, and that we must fînd a remedy a;S quickly as possible. "Conie then," said I to theni, "take courage, let us take the thatch from the houses and let us cover them with bear skins and deer skins ; the Indians will help us." I then had them bring in two large wooden pirogues in which I poured twenty barrels of water and provided swabs at the end of rods to extinguish the tire, if it sliould catch anywhere, and hooks to pull ont the arrows. I had four or five Frenchmen wounded. I fell into another embarrassment much greater than this first one. jNIy Indians became discouraged, and wanted to go away, a part of them saying that we should never conquer this nation. That they knew them well, and that they were braver than any of the rest; tiiat besides I could no longer furnish them with provisions .sufficient for their subsistence. The inconstancy of thèse nations ought to teach us how (langerons it is to leave a post so distant as this without troops. I then saw myself on the point of being abandoned and left a prey to our enemies, wlio would not hâve given us any quarter and the English would hâve triumphed. The French were so frightened that they said to me that they saw clearly that it was necessary that we should retire as quickly as possible to Michilimakinac. I said to them : "What are you thinking of ? Can you en-
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tertain such sentiments? Can you abandon the post in such a cowardly manner? Dismiss from your minds, my friends, 80 evil a design. Do things appear to you so bad that you should fear so greatly? You ought to know that if you had done such a thing as to abandon me that the Governor General would pursue you everywhere to punish you for your cowardice. What the Indians hâve just said ought not to frighten you. I am going to speak to ail the chiefs in private and inspire them with new courage. Therefore change your views and let me act. You will see that ail wi]l go well." They answered that they were only pretending to retreat without my consent and without me at their head, believing that they could not hold the place if the savages abandoned us. They begged me not to consider them faithless and assured me that they would keep on doing ail that I wished of them. And truly I was afterwards very well content with them. They did their duty like brave peoi^le.
I was four days and four nights without any rest and without eating or drinking, striving ail the time to secure to my interests ail the young war chiefs, in order to keep them lirm with me and to encourage ail the warriors not to leave us until we had entirely defeated our enemies. To attain my end. I stripped myself of ail I had, making présents to one and another. You know, Monsieur, that with the Indians one must not be niggardly. I flatter myself that you will hâve the goodness to approve ail thèse expenditures, which for me are immense, and for the King of no conséquence; for otherwise I should be much to be pitied, being burdened with a large family which causes me much expense at Québec.
Having gained ail the Indians in private, I held a gênerai council to which I called ail the nations and said to them : "What, my children, when you are just on the point of destroy-
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ing this wicked nation, do you think of fleeing shamefully after having so well begun? Could you lift up your heads again? You would ever after be overwhelmed witli confusion. Ail the other nations would say: 'Are thèse the brave warriors who fled so ignominiously after having abandoned the French' ? Be not troubled ; take courage ; we will endeavor yet to find a few provisions. The Hurons and the Ottawas, your brothers, ofifer you some. As for me. I will do ail I can to comfort you and aid you. Don't you see that only a thread holds your enemies? Hunger and thirst overpower them. We shall quickly niake ourselves masters of their bodies. Will it not be very pleasant after this great defeat. when you visit Montréal, to receive there the caresses and the friendship of the father of ail the Nations, who will thank you for having risked your lives with me? For you ca^nnot doubt that in the report I shall make to him concerning ail of this I shall render justice to each of you in particular, for ail you hâve donc for me. You must know also that to defeat this nation is to give that life and peace to your women and children which they hâve not yet enjoyed."
The young war chiefs whom I had gained did not give me time to finish, but said to me : "My father, allow us to interrupt you ; we believe there is some liar who bas told ;\ou falsehoods. We assure you that we ail love you too much to abandon \ou, and that we are not such cowards as is relX)rted. We are resolved, even if we are much more pressed with hunger, not to quit you till your enemies and ours are defeated." AU the old men approved of thèse sentiments and said : "Rush to your arms and prove that those are liars who bave reported evil of us to our fathers." Then they raised a great cry and sang the war song and danced the war dance. and a large party went out to fight.
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Every day «orne Sacs who had formerly lived in the same village with the Ottagamies left their fort and came to join tlieir people who were with me, who received them with much pleasure. They made known to us the condition of the village of our enemy, assuring us tliat they were reduced to the last extremity. That from sixty to eighty women and children had died from hunger and thirst, and that their bodies and the bodies of those who were killed every day had caused an infection in their camp since they did not dare make any attempt to bury them, on account of the heavy fire that we continually kept up.
Under thèse circumstances the enemy demanded permission to speak to us which we granted them. Their messengers were their two great chiefs, one of the village, the other of war, the first named AUamyma and the other Pamousa. With them came also two great Mascoutin chiefs, one named Kissis, and the other Ouabimanitou. The great chief Pamousa was at the head of the three others, having a crown of wampum on his head, many belts of wampum on his body and hanging over his shoulder. He was painted with green earth and accompanied by seven female slaves who were also painted and ornamented with wampum. Tlie three other chiefs had each a chichicoy in their hand. Ail of them marched in order, singing and shouting with ail their might, to the sound of their chichicoys, calling ail the devils to their assistance and to hâve pity on them. They even had little figures of devils hanging from their girdles. They entered my fort in this manner among ail the nations, our allies, and spoke as follows: "My father, I speak to you and to ail the nations who are before you. I beg life from )'ou. It is no longer ours. You hâve made yourselves masters of it. Ail the spirits bave abandoned us. I bring you my flesh in the seven slaves whom I place at your feet. But do not believe I am afraid to die. It is the lives
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of oiir women and children that I ask of you. I beg you to allow the sun to shine, let the sky be clear, that \ve niay see the day and that hereafter our affairs may be prospérons. Hère are six belts that we give you, which bind us to you as true slaves. We pray you to untie them as a sign that you give us Hfe. Remember, ail of you, that you are our greatnephews. Tell us something, I pray you, which can give pleasure on our return to our village."
I left it to our Indians to reply to thèse ambassadors. They had become in so short a time so enraged against them that they would not give them any answer. Eight or ten chiefs asked only to speak to me in private. "My father, we corne to ask permission of you to break the heads of thèse four great chiefs. They are the men who prevent our enemies from surrendering at discrétion. When thèse shall be no longer at their head they will find themselves much embarrassed and will surrender."
I told them that they ought to be very sure of themselves to make me such a proposition. "Remember that they came hère upon my word and you hâve given me yours. We must act with good faith and if I accepted this proposition how in the future could you trust one another? M. the Governor General would never pardon me. Dismiss this from your mind. They must return peaceably. You see clearly that they cannot escape us since you are resolved not to give them quarter."
They confessed that I was right and that they were foolish. The ambassadors were dismissed in ail safety, without, however, giving them any answer on that which they had corne to ask of us. Thèse poor wretches well knew there was no longer any hope for them.
I confess. Monsieur, that I was touched with compassion at their mis fortune ; but as war and pity do not well agrée
together and particularly as I iinderstood that they were paid by the English to destroy us, I abandoned them to their unfortunate fate. Indeed I hastened to hâve this tragedy finished in order that the example might strike terror to the English and their allies. The great fire recommenced more and more violently. The enemy, being in despair, since they were continually fired upon in their village and out of it, vvhen they wished to go for water or to gather a few herbs to appease their hunger, had no other resource but an obscure night with rain to make their escape. They awaited it with much impatience and it came on the nineteenth day of the siège. They did not fail to make use of it, decamping about midnight and we were not aware of it until daybreak. I encouraged our people and they pursued them very vigorously. M. de Vincennes joined in the pursuit with sonie Frenchmen and this gave much pleasure to our Indians.
The enemy, not doubting that they would be pursued, stopped at a little peninsula which is opposite Hog Island near Lake St. Clair, four leagues from the fort, protecting themselves by tree branches eut across and logs eut lengthwise. Our people not perceiving this at ail, pushed on into their retrenchment and lost there more than twenty men killed and wounded. It was necessary to begin a second siège and to encamp. The camp was regularly laid out. Every day a hundred canoës brought provisions. There were Ottawas, Hurons, Chippaways and Mississagues. The chief sent to me for my two cannon, ail the axes and mattocks that I had to eut down the woods, that they might get through them, in order to approach the retrenchment of the enemy, and above ail to furnish powder and balls. As for the Indian corn, tobacco and seasoning, they were supplied as usual without counting ail the kettles of the French which were lost and for which I had to pay.
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The enemy held their position for four cîays, fighting with much courage and finally, not being able to do anything more, surrendered at discrétion to our people who gave them no quarter. Ail were killed except the women and children, whose lives were sparcd. One hundred and iîfty men, who had been bound, escaped. Ail our allies returned to my fort with their slaves. Their pastime was to shoot four or five men every day. The Hurons did not give quarter to a single one of them. In this way, Monsieur, came to an end thèse two wicked nations of such evil intent that they troubled ail the country. Our révérend father chanted a grand mass to render thanks to God for having preserved us f rom this enemy.
The Ottagamies and Mascoutins had built a very good fort, which, as I said before, was within pistol-shot of mine. Our people did not dare to undertake to storm it notwithstanding ail I could say. There were three hundred men to défend it, and our loss would hâve been great. But the siège would not hâve been very long. Our Indians had lost sixty men, killed and wounded, thirty of whom had been killed in the fort and a Frenchman named Germain. Five or six others were woundéd with arrows. The enemy lost a thousand soûls, men, women and children.
I do not wish to forget to state to you that there were about twenty five Iroquois who had joined the Hurons of Fond-du-lac in this war. Thèse two nations together distinguished themselves above ail the others, therefore their loss bas been greater. They hâve received many caresses from ail the Indians and more particularly, since they hâve made satisfaction for an old cjuarrel by présents of slaves and pipes. It was I who brought them to this reconciliation. I dare venture to assure, you. Monsieur, that this gênerai assembly of ail the nations has put them at peace with one another and has renewed their ancient alliance. They ail count on receiving
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great présents which they say, Monsieur, you hâve promised them.
I hâve determined, with the consent o£ his nation to send to you, the grand chief of the IlHnois from Rock Village. His name is Chachagouache. He is a good man and has much authority and I trust that you will induce him to make peace with the Miamis. This affair is of very great conséquence. The Miamis having sent me word, that if it is not brought about, they v.'ill abandon their village and build another on the river Ohio at the end of Lake Erie. This is precisely where the English are about to build a fort, according to the belts they hâve sent to the nations. They aiso said they would be contenîed if you would send them, Monsieur, a garrison and a révérend Jesuit father and some présents that, they say, you promised them. ]\Iaquisabe, the Pottawatomi chief, has much influence over the mind of this Illinois chief. He goes with him. Joseph, who accompanies them, deserves your kindness. I hâve had much trouble to save his life.
I venture, Monsieur, to beg you to take care that the Indians who come Vvith AI. Vincennes return contented. Their visit secures this post. Saguina has written to me that M. Desliettes would not wait for him last spring, believing that it was through neglect poor Otchipouac died this winter. It is a loss for he had much tirmness and was well disposed toward the French.
\Ve hâve anoîher difficult afit'air which threatens to be difïicult. The Kickapoos. who live at the mouth of the Mauniee, are about to make war upon us, now that our allies hâve left us; about thirty Mascoutins hâve joined them. A canoë of Kickapoos, who came from Détroit to speak to the three villages, has been destroyed by the Hurons and Ottawas. Among them was a great chief whose head was brought to me with the heads of three others. This blow was struck, out of resentment, because. last winter, they had taken prisoners from
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among the Hurons and the Iroquois. Besides they considered him a true Ottagami. I believe that if M. de Vincennes had not been at the mouth of the Miami at the time the Kickapoos would hâve killed the two Hurons and the Iroquois. There was every probability of it. Thèse same people took prisoner also, Langlois, who was on his return from the Miami country, and who carried niany letters from the révérend Jesuit faîhers at the îUinois villages. AU thèse letters hâve been destroyed, which circumstance gives me much uneasiness as l am sure there were some for you from I^uisiana. They dismissed this Langlois after robbing him of his peltry, telling him to return and tell îhem the news, but he had no more désire to do that, than I had to permit him. However, the Ottav/as might safely send there. The Kickapoos hâve among them one of their women with her chiidren. I will endeavor to prevail upon the Ottawas to join v/ith the Hurons in order to make a reconciliation with this nation that we may hâve peace hère.
Ail the nations hâve gone away peaceabiy with ail their slaves. Saguina has left his village and gone to Michilimakinac. The Hurons also abandoned theirs and will either conie hère or go to the Illinois. More than half of the Ottawas of this place are going also to Michilimakinac. The Chipaways and the Mississaguas will go to Topicanich. They hâve not at alî been disposed to give any satisfaction to the Miamis for the murder of last year with M. de Tonty. The Miamis insist upon knowing the reason why. I spare no trouble to inducc them to be patient and to persuade them that I îabor constantly for their interests.
I hâve the honor to inform you. Monsieur, that last autumn I accomplished a measure that M. de Lamothc could never eflfect during ail the time that he was hère, which was to conipel the Ottawas to make a solid peace with the Miamis, and to compel them to visit the latter, which they hâve never
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been willing to do. I succeeded very happily, the Mianiis having received theni as kiiidly as possible and they hâve made a strong alliance.
I flatter myself, Monsieur, that it will be agreeable to you to be assured that M. de Vincennes has faithfully pertormed his duty and that he has labored carefuUy hère, as well as on his journey to the Miamis and Ouyatonons îast winter.
If I am so happy, Monsieur, as to receive your approbation of my conduct, I shall be fully compensated for my trouble and shall expérience no more déjection. My success has been owing to the great influence I hâve over the nations. M. de Vincennes is witness. I do not say this in order to gratify my vanity or to claim any crédit for truly I am very tired of Détroit.
You can easily judge. Monsieur, in vvhat a condition my aiïairs must be in conséquence of having no présents belonging to the King in my hands. However, I dare to trust to your goodness and to hope that you will not sufïer a poor devil to be reduced to beggary.
I hâve the honor to be Vr'ith very profound respect, Monsieur, your very humble and very obedient servant,
