THE POPE’S LETTER TO VICTOR

quiescence that would lead me indîrectly to sanction and participate in those disorders, and help to justify an unjust and violent spoliation. For the rest I not only cannot give a benevolent réception to the projects of your majesty, but instead I protest against the usurpation that you hâve carried out, to the harm of the State and the Church ; and I leave on your majesty’s conscience, and that of every other cooperator in the spoliation, the fatal conséquences that may follow. I am persuaded that your majesty, on reading again, with a mind calmer, 1 ess prejudiced, and better informed as to facts, the letter you hâve addressed me, will find there many things to repent.

I pray the Lord to give you those blessings of which, in your présent difficult circumstances, you hâve most need.

Plus PP. IX.

From the Vatican, April 2, 1860.

This dignified and gentlemanly letter must command the sympathy and respect of everyone who looks only at the présent trying position of the venerable Pontiff, forgetful of his antécédents. However narrow his views and his sympathies, he was acting according to the dictâtes of his conscience, and contrary to his worldly interests, for he knew well he had no power to withstand the overwhelming impetus of the national will. But the Romans could not forgive his apostasy in 1848. Had he never been a liberal reformer, and not broken his faith, solemnly plighted to the Italian cause, on which VOL. IL c

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l8 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL IL

he had repeatedly called God’s blessi'ng ; had he not abandoned his country in the extreme hour of her agonising struggle with the invader of her liberties ; had he not been borne back to his capital by foreign arms, and held on the throne by grinding oppression ; then, indeed, his subjects could not but hâve admired the firmness, courage, and fidelity to principle, however mistaken, which dictated this reply. But was the oath, they asked, not to diminish the patrimony of St. Peter, already diminished without his consent, more sacred than the pledge given to the national leaders and the Roman people ? Undoubtedly the Pope considered it so, and thought moreover that the general deportment of the Roman people in 1 848 — ^which was far from blameless — justified his abandonment of the Liberal cause.

Pio Nono was convinced that he was doing his duty, and sacrificing himself to a most sacred obligation by holding to the Church. Victor Plmmanuel was as strongly and firmly convinced that he had a grand mission on this earth, which was to liberate and unité Italy in one State ; and he was fully persuaded that it was a sacred and bounden duty for him to accomplish that work. Each felt that on the triumph of his principles depended the happiness and well-being of his country, and nothing but evil could follow on the success of his adversary. So the Italian question became a duel between the head of the Church and the head of the State.

The excommunication, once such a terrible punishment, did not hurt Victor Emmanuel in the least, unless in a sentimental way. There were patriotic priests, and

VICTOR’S efforts for RECONCILIATION. 19

bishops too, in Piedmont, who stood by their king, and administered the rites of the Church to him and his family. Nevertheless, his feelings were deepiy hurt by the Pope’s hostility, and he desired intensely to be reconciled to him. With an extraordinary persévérance he continued to write private and confidential letters, laying his views before him, and trying by every argument to convince him that political freedom did not mean any offence or injury to religion ; protesting that he was ready to make any compromise or sacrifice his holiness might demand, short of giving up his darling scheme of uniting Italy. The Pontiff’s sovereignty should be guaranteed, his revenues secured ; in fact there should be no différence in his position, except that Italian instead of foreign arms should surround and protect the Holy See, and the tricolour united with the Pontifical colours, as in 1 848, should float on the Capitol.

‘The Pope will never abdicate,’ said a friend to Cavour, as he was propounding his theory of ‘a free Church in a free State.’ ‘ We do not ask so much ; a tacit renunciation would be enough. And do you believe there is really anything to abdicate } Do you think that temporal power still exists ? ’ asked the count, who maintained that the Pope would be more free and hâve more authority under Italian than French protection.

Victor Emmanuel’s efforts to win upon the native gentleness of Pius IX., and rekindle in him a little spark of the old patriotic fire, proved fruitless ; to every

proposition he replied with the unvarying Non possumus which has become famous.

In the month of March the two dictators of Central Italy betook themselves to Turin to présent the documents of the plébiscite, and lay down their authority at the feet of the constitutional monarch. To the addresses delivered by these gentlemen the king replied in equally complimentary terms.

Carlo Luigi Farini, Dictator of Emilia, to Victor Emmanuel.

Sire, — I hâve the honour to place in your hands the legal documents of the universal suffrage of the populations of the Emilia. Your majesty, who pitifully heard their cry of anguish, will welcome benignantly this pledge of faith and gratitude. Their legitimate wishes fulfilled, these populations, O sire, will hâve no other desire than that of deserving well of your majesty and of Italy, emulating in civil and military virtues the other peoples of your monarchy.

Baron Ricasoli, in the name of Tuscany, spoke to the same effect, but at more length.

Victor Emmanuel' s Reply to Farini.

The manifestation of the national will, of which you bring me authentic testimony, is so universal and spontaneous that it re-confirms before Europe, in a different State of things and at a different time the