POVERI GIOVANI

success at Monterotundo, a few miles from Rome, 800 prisoners remaining in his hands. At the head of 3,000 men he reached Mentana, where he encountered the French army, which the emperor had sent to defend the temporal power. Superior in numbers, in discipline, and in arms, the French made fearful havoc in the ranks of the volunteers, who fell under the deadly fire of the chassepots like grass before the scythe.

At this moment Pepoli arrived from Paris, and found the king almost broken-hearted, brooding over the thought of ail the générons young blood which ensanguined the field of Mentana. He agreed to recall his troops from the papal territory, so as to give no one an excuse for saying he violated the convention. Who will blâme him if at that moment his heart was full of bitterness towards his ‘ august ally,’ who had ail but ruined at the last moment the work of his lifetime ?

He directed the marquis to write a letter to the emperor. When Pepoli had written it he gave it to the king to read, who exclaimed, ‘ How is this ? you hâve said nothing about the chassepots. Ah, those chassepots hâve mortally wounded my heart as father and as king. I feel as if the balls had torn my flesh here,’ and he put his hand to his breast ‘ It is one of the greatest griefs that I hâve ever known in ail my life.’

The marquis having supplied the omission, handed the letter again to the king, and observed the tears rolling down his cheeks as he murmured ‘ Poveri giovani ' (poor youths).

The Marquis Pepoli to the Emperor of the Fre?tch.

Sire, — The king’s government, in recalling the Italian troops from Roman territory, has rendered a service, in my opinion, not only to Italy, but to the cause of liberty in Europe, avoiding fatal complications and a civil war. It finds itself, however, in a dubious and grievous position with regard to the country. It finds itself accused of having ceded to foreign pressure, which is the worst and most cruel accusation which can be brought against a government. It is necessary that it should be reinforced, if it is to govern the country with a firm hand, if it is to vindicate the principle of oflfended authority, if it is, without going beyond the laws, to find in the laws themselves the remedy for the evils that torment Italy.

Your majesty will efiectively contribute to this by removing even the appearance of an alliance with the Clérical party, which would be, I will not say fatal to Italy, but most fatal to France, and the Napoleonic dynasty.

I dare to hope that your majesty will not hesitate to do this, because if the need of satisfying the national susceptibilities, and the obligation of respecting your own Word, counselled you to refuse every demand to suspend the expédition to Rome, the same reasons do not exist to-day to make you refuse to recall your army. No ; the permanence of the French banner at Rome would not be a pledge to the national honour.

PEPOLl’S APPEAL TO NAPOLEON.

but to the ireful vengeance of the reactionary party. I dare affirm that the return of the French expédition would be saluted by ail liberal Europe with joy, and that an immense majority of the French people would applaud it.

Believe me, your majesty, it is best to break with a party which dreams of commencing the restoration at Rome and finishing it at Paris. Do not league yourself with the Legitimist clericals. Your majesty can, if you will, be the head of the Liberal party in Europe, of that party which has the future in its hands, which will regenerate the world, in spite of the efforts of the feudal party. It is your majesty’s mission to finish once for ail with the old world ; you ought to hâve the glory of uniting religion and liberty. You hâve made ^ the Word of France respected ; you can, if you will, reconquer lost ground, complété the work initiated, and be the Charlemagne of liberty in Europe.

Pardon, sire, if I hâve spoken with my customary frankness. But Italy to-day, after the withdrawal of lier own troops, has a right to ask justice from Europe. If your majesty follows a liberal policy in • Rome, the benefits of it w’ill react on the internai policy of France.

The late events hâve suffocated every remembrance of gratitude in the heart of Italy. It is no longer in the power of the government to maintain the alliance with France. The cfiassepot gun at Mentana has given it a mortal blow.

But this alliance is not contemptible, sire ; it is an VOL. IL L

alliance more safe and effective than that of the Clérical party. Your majesty can, if you will, without offending the dignity of your nation, revivify it and make it fruitful.

Gioachino Pepoll

Florence, Nov. 6, 1867.

But while Victor Emmanuel wept the fate of the brave youths who fell at Mentana, he had to vindicate his outraged authority by punishing those who survived. The leaders of the movement were arrested, and the arch-offender, Garibaldi, was conducted to the fortress of Varignano a close prisoner. He was cheered enthusiastically at Spezzia, and at every place where he was seen. He was once more the hero of the day, and Victor Emmanuel was under a cloud. After order had ^ been restored somewhat, Garibaldi, whose health was much broken, asked and obtained the royal pardon, and was once more conducted to Caprera.

Certainly, between the Garibaldians, and the reactionists, and the French emperor, Victor Emmanuel did not lie on a bed of roses. He had been forced to act a part most répugnant to his feelings, which placed him in a false position towards his subjects and involved him in unmerited unpopularity. Between two evils he had chosen the least, resolved to do his duty at any personal cost ; but the trial was great ‘ I hâve the honour of bearing the title of king, and sometimes I find it very heavy,’ Victor Emmanuel once wrote in a private letter ; and we can wcll believe it. To constitute a vast