RÉPONSE DE PIÉ 1X
‘Illustre et Honorable Président, Salut.
Nous venons d’acccuillir avec toute la bienveillance convenable les personnes envoyées par vous pour nous remettre vos lettres en date du ‘23 Septembre dernier. Nous n’avons pas éprouvé nn médiocre plaisir à apprendre de ces personnes et par cette Îettre de quels sentiments de joie et de reconnaissance vous avez été animé, illustre et honorable Président, aussitôt que vous avez eu connaissance de nos, lettres nos vénérables frères Jean, archévêque de New-
York, ét Jean, archiévêque de Nouvelle-Orléans, en date du 18 Octobre de l’année dernière, et dans les: quelles nous avons, de tontes nos forces, excité et ex. hotté ces vénérables frères à ce que, dans leur piété et leur sollivitude épiscopale, ils s’efforçassent, avec le zèle le plus ardent et en notre nom, d’amener la fin de Ja fatale gites civile qui a éclaté dans ces contrées, afin que les populations américsine en vinssent enfin à une paix et à une concorde communes, et à s’aimer charitablement les unes les autres.
FH noûs à été parfaitement agréable de reconnaître que vous, illustre et honorable président et ces mêmes populations, êtes animés des mêmes desirs, de paix et dé tranquilité que nous avons, dans nos lettres ci-des sus télatées, inculqués à no susdits vénérables frères. Plaise én même témps à Dieu que les autres periples de l’Amérique et leurs pouvoirs dirigeants, considérant sérieusement combien ne guette civile est grave et ehtrafhe de malheuts, veuillent enfin écouter les insbitatiohs d’ün esptit plus caline ét adopter résolument le Patti de la paix. Quant À nous, nous ne cesserôns d’adresser les plus ferventes prières aù Dieu tout-puig sant pour qu’il répande sur tous les peuples de l’Amérique. un esprit de paix et du charité, et qu’il les arrache aux maux si grands qui les affligent. Nous supplions, en même temps, le Dieu clément et imiséricordieux de répandre .sur vous les lumières de sa grâce et de vous attacher à nous par une parfaite amitié. ..
Donné à Rome, à St. Pierre, le 8 décembre d l'an 1863, de notre pontificat le 18eme,
Pa 1x.
La cause du Sud en Angleterre.—On sait que le gouvernement de Richmond possède à Londres un orane déclaré, on pourrait presque dire officiel, intitulé Thdex, Draa soa dernier numéro ce journal publie
ün relevé de la marche de la Société de l'indépendance du Sud, fondée à Manchester il y a six mois, soûs là
direction de lord Wharncliffe, du marquis Lothian et d’autres:nobles personnages, et membres du parlement: La société compte 20.000 membres ; elle a 28 succursa-: les dans les villes manufacturières les plus importan: tes: :. | Jh ‘IF a été prononcé, par des orateurs de la société plus de 500 discours dans des meetings populaires. Le ‘nombre des signatures apposées sur des pétitions au parlement, pendant le mois de Février, a été tel que, depuis l’époque de lagitation pour la liberté du commerce où n’avait jamais vu un semblable empressement.
Governor Brown’s reply to Sherman.
. After hearing the statements of Mr. King, the Governor replied :— | na: Please make to General Sherman an acknowledgement of my obligation for the personal courtesies which you. say he proposes t5 extend to me. But as he is only a general commanding an army in the field, and I the Governor of a State,neither the constitution of his country nor of my own confers upon us any power to negotiate a treaty of peace. We probably hold but few sentiments in commor ; but if we should agree in every particular, we should have power to bind, no one by. any compact we might tuke. As our. interview could therefore result in nothing practical, I must decline the. invitation. Wbile the portion of the State now in the rear of general Sherman’s army. is held by him, and the execution of the laws of the State, is suspended by armed force, I know of no service which l could render to the people of that section by a personal visit. IfI could better their condition or mitigate their sufferings, I would, on their account, cheerfully go at the expense, of any inconvenience or personal sacrifice which the trip might cost me. |
* ‘ To the remark that genéral Sherman does not wish to ‘be compelled to overrun and desolate more of the territory of Georgia, Ï reply: that no compulsion reste
n-him to atteinpt this, unless it be tie cruel orders of his government. Ifhe makes the eflori, he wilt find much greater difficulties in the way of his advance for the next hundred miles than those encountered during his march from Dalton to Atlanta, Georgia may possibly be overrun, but never can be subjugated, and her people will never treat with a conqueror upon her. soil. Asa Sovereign. State she had the: undoubted: right to dissolve her connection with the goverament of the United States whea the compact had:been,. viola. ted.by the other States.of the confederacy, and to form a new compact, which she has done. She is a sove. reign to day as she was the day she seceded from the old Union, and has the same power, by a convention. of-her pecple, which she then had:to resume all dele-. gated powers and all the atiributes of sovereignty, and then 10 declare war, negotiate treaties of peace, and do. all other acts which.a:sovereign State may do. While: this power rests on: her. people, who are the original: source of all sovereignty, her. constitution, formed by them, has conferred no such power upon her Governor. :- The fact must not be overlooked, however, that while Georgia. possesses the sovereign power to act se-: parately, her faith, which never has, and I trust never. will be violated,, is pledged by strong implication to. her Southern sisters, that she will not exercise this: power. without consent on their part, and concert of" action: with them. In league with her Southern sisters she entered into this contest with full knowledge of alt” the responsibilities which attached to the act ; and co. me weal or woe, she will never withdraw frorr it in dishonour. However unequäal may by the proportion of suffering or sacrifice which her people may have 10. endure, she will never makèe- separate terms with the
enemy which may free her territory from invasion and. and lave her confederates in the lurch. Whatever may be the opinion of her people as to the injustice: done het by: the .Confederate administration, she wäll :
triumph with her Confederate sisters, or she will sink with them in common ruin. ‘The intelligent people of Georgia already understand, and our enemy. will soon learn, that independent expression of condemnation of the administration is one thing, and disloyalty in our gacred cause is another and quite a diflerent thing, While the people of Georgia think for thernselves and will not blindly applaud the mismanagement of their rülers, they will never violate principle for expedieney, nor accept dishonor for reward.
The foundation 2f our government and the liberties -0f the people rest upon the sovereigniy of the States as their corner stone, Destroy the sovereignty of the States and the whole fabric falls to the ground, and centralized power with military despotism takes the place of constitutional: liberty.
When the passions of the people North and South have subsided we may make peace by the negociation, but never by the sword. |
If M. Lincoln would have peace and prosperity re-established upon a firm basis, let him stop the war, and planting himself upon the principles of the Declaration of Independence of 1776, let him recognize the sovereignty of the States, and agree to leave each sovereign State to determine for herself, by a convention of her people, whose delegates shall be fairly chosen by the legal voters of the State, without military interfe-
“rence or intimidation, what shall be her future connection-whether she will remain in, or, if out, return to the old Union, or adhere to her present league.
There may be doubts whether Kentucky, Missouri, and probably other States, desire to continue their connection with the United States, or to cast their lot with the Confederate States. The only just inode of solving these doubts is the one above indicated. ‘If ‘these or any other of the Southern States should, in so. ‘lemn convention, decide to go with the United Statesaeither the Confederate gouvernmeut nor thé other
States can object. We cannot govern Kentucky, for instance against her will, unless we can subjugate her. This we have no power to do with the Northern States at her back ; and if we had the power we have no right 10 coerce a sovereign State into a connection which is not of her own choice. Ifthis were done we must, in füture, govern her people by the bayonet, which would convert our republicanism into the worst species of despotism. So it must be withthe North if Mr. Lin
coln should succeed in his policy of conquering us.
If we were overrun, and for a time subdued, our territory is so vast in cxtent, and our population so large, that it would take a regular army of two hundred. thousand men to govern and hold us in subjection. The support of such an army would not only continue the country in bankruptey, but in the hands of the Exe-
=cative it would soon bc used to subvert even the form of the government, and change it from a republic to a
:monarchy. Thus to destroy our liberties must cost the Northern people their own, and the republicanism of America must in future be a reproach and a by word
‘among all nations.
If President Lincoln and President Davis will
agree to stop the war and transfer the settlement of the ‘iesues from the battle-field to the ballot box, leaving “each ‘sovereign State to determine for herself what :‘#hall be her fnture connection, and who her future allies, the present devastation, bloodshed, and carnage will cease, and prosperity will be restored to the whole ‘countrÿ. |
On the other hand, if this is not done the war will Jast for years 1o come, till both sides are exhausted and overwhelmed with debt and taxation, when it may de-
:generate into a guerilla strife, the eud of which may not be seen by the present generation, and the hate in- ‘gendered by which will. last through many future gemeraltions. ( aéyrée
Neither, General Sherman nor [can control this,
es
however much.we.may deplore it,
” vs
. . H those on both sides who havethe constitutionel power of negotiation, from obstinacy or ambition, refu- ‘#e to recognise the sovereignty of the States and to leave the settlement of the question tothe states whep they cannot themselves agree, and insist on continugl effusion of blood to gratify their caprice, all the States, ‘North and South, in their official capacity may then be justifiable in taking the matter into their own baads and settling it as sovereigns in their own way.
