TO HIS EXCELLENCY THE GOVERNOR GENERAL
We, Your Excellency's Commissioners appointed, Firstly — To report a plan for the better organization of the Department of Adjutant General of Militia. Secondly — To investigate and report upon the best means of reorganizing the Militia of this Province, and of providing an efficient and economical systcm for the defence of the Province ; and, Thirdly — To prépare a Rill or R Ils on the subjects hereinbefore mentioned respectively, with a view to submission of the saine to Parliament at its next Session, do most respectfully report to Your Excellency, as follows: —
REORGANIZATION OF MILITIA.
Preamble.
3. In framing our recommendations as to the best means of reorganizing the Militia of Canada, we hâve taken for the ground work of our considérations the following facts, winch must be self-evident to ail who consider the circumstances and position of the Province.
4. Firstly. — That Canada présents a frontier, upwards of 1,000 miles in ëxtent, assailable by land or water at every point;
5. Secondly.— That she possesses a population amounting to little more than 2,500,000 soûls (less than the population of London), thinly but unevenly scattered throughout her full extent;
0. Thirdly. — That the adjoining country is powerful — conta ins a population vastly superior in numbers to that of Canada — possesses great resources, and abounds with excellent means of communication, both by land and water, diverging from the heart of the nation and leading to ail the most vulnérable points on the frontier of this Province;
7. Fourthly. — That as the revenue of a country must dépend in a vcry great degree upon the amount of her population, the extent of the frontier in this Province to be defended must necessarily be disproportioncd to her income.
Amount of Force Requircd.
8. In order to provide an efficient force for the defence of the Province, we are of opinion that a far greater number of traincd men will be required tban hâve hitherto been sanctioned, and recommend the organization of an active force amounting to about 50,000 men of ail arms, with a réserve of the same number. A référence to the map of Canada will, we think, clearly point out that even this number of men would be insufficient, without the co-operation of a strong body of regular troops and a powerful f leet of gun boats on the lakes.
General System of Defence.
99. We, your Excellency's Commissioners, baye abstained from offering any direct recommendations regarding the gênerai stratégie defence of the Province, or the de-
(1) Sessional Papers, 1862, No. 17, — première partie.
fencc of certain points by permanent fortifications, as we consider the former subject cornes more, espccially within the province of the General Commanding Her Majesty's forces. And we hâve been given to understand that a separatc commission has been employed to investigate the Iatter important subject. We hâve, ncvertheless, in arranging our proposed distribution of the three arms of the service, kept in view the nature of the defenec that would be required in the différent districts. We hâve, moreover, in our calculation of numbers, been strongly influenced by the conviction, that in the event of war with the neighboring country, no defenec could be effectuai unless the lakes were held by a powerful force of gun boats.
We submit the Draft of a Bill in accordance with the foregoing Report, and submit the same for Your Excellency's considération.
GEO. ET. CARTIER, JOHN A. MACDONALD, A. T. GALT, ALLAN N. MACNAB, E. P. TACHE, D. LYSONS, Colonel, T. E. CAMPBELL, A. CAMERON*.
THOMAS WILY,
Secretary.
Québec, March 15, 1862.
Projet de Loi de la Milice, 1862 0) (Extrait)
CALLING OUT THE MILITIA
" 139. — The commander-in-chief may call out the milltia or any part thereof for service, either within or without the province, whenever it is in his opinion advisable ! so to do by reasou of war, invasion, disturbanec, or insurrection, or imminent danger ' of any of thmi ; and in any such case the volunteer and regular force shall first take 1 the field, then the reserve force, then additional active batta lions from the service sedentary force, and lastly the retired sedentary force."
Débats sur le Projet de Loi de 1862 (2) Le 2 mai 1862:—
Hon. J. A. MACDONALD — having proposed to proceed with the debate on the bill respecting the Militia —
Hon. Mr. LORANGER — hoped the debate would be postponed until the correspondence on the subject of the military defence expenditure was laid before the House.
Hon. J. A. MACDONALD — said the questions of military defence by the Impérial Government and the Militia Service of this Country were not intimately connectée!. Besides he was not aware that there was any such correspondence. If, however, there was any, it could be brought down so as to be in season for a subséquent stage of the Bill.
(1) "Correspondence between Her Majesty's Government and the Governor General of Canada in référence to the Militia Bill proposed and passed in the Canadian Parlement". Accounts and Papers, 1862, Vol. XXXVI, p. 597. Cette correspondance contient le texte de la loi antérieure, celui du projet préparé par la Commission et rejeté par l'Assemblée, et celui des amendements votés après la défaite du ministère. L'article cidessus est extrait du projet de loi rejeté en mai 1862.
(2) Extraits des Parliamentary Debates. 1862 (compilés du "Mornin? Chronicle). Le chiffre de la page est indiqué après chaque citation.
Hon. Mr. LORANGER — maintained that, in order to an intelligent considération of the measure, the correspondence should be placed before the members.
HON. J. A. MACDONALD — said the hon. member should remember that in 1854 the Impérial Government transferred to the Province thèse ordnance lands, which were very valuable, on considération that we should provide to sortie extent for the defence of the Province, but it was then solemnly asrreed by the Impérial Government, that in case of external aggression the whole power of the Empire would be employed for our protection. Since then there had been no correspondence on the subject, and no contribution whatever had been asked from tins country for war purposes I believe that our peoplc fully value their privilèges, and that
they are most anxious to préserve intact thier connection with the British nation. (Hear). They hâve institutions which they highly prize and they possess institutions which they both cherish and are ready to maintain. They know well that as a body of freemen, they would be unworthy of their liberty, and unworthy of their free institution and privilèges unless they were ready and willing to fight for them. (Hear, hear.)
As hon. members are well aware, in 1854, in conséquence of the exigencies of the Impérial Government, they were obliged to withdraw their troops nearly altogether from Canada. The country was on the eve of the Crimean war, and a correspondence ensued, in which the Impérial Government informed the Législature of Canada and the people of Canada that their necessities compelled them to recall most of the Impérial troops then in the Province, and that in future Canada must dépend upon her own exertions for the préservation of order within her own borders, and for resisting sudden and unexpected aggression by marauders or fillibustering parties ; and in considération of the Province undertaking this duty, the Impérial Government, in the most libéral spirit, handed over to the Provincial Government the lands granted for military purposes, except such reserves at Kingston, Montréal and Québec as were wanted for the purpose of defence. In 1855, the Government undertook to introduce a bill for the organization of the militia. That bill became law — the same law that now exists. It was based upon a commission, as is the bill now before the Housc. That measure provided for carrying out the pledge made to the Impérial Government, that a sufficient force should be organized in Canada to préserve order within our bounds, and that in case it was necessary to call upon the military force to enforce the laws of the land, recourse should be had to our citizen soldiery and not to Her Majesty's troops, which in no case, as was justly said, could be expected to act as a police force for the préservation of peace and order (65)
We lately hâve been rudely awakened to the full conséquences of any danger which may beset us by reason of our position in relation to the neighboring country. If that country should ever, unhappily, corne into collision with the British Empire, we should no doubt be subjected to ail the desolating effects of war. From the geographical conformation of Canada — a country with a long and extended f routier, and havlng but a sparse population — we were liable to invasion at innumerable places. We were in the near vicinity of a nation whose strength and power and whose resources récent occurrences had shewn to be beyond ail example ; and we know therefore, that evcn although we place the fullest confidence, as we hâve a right to do, in the assurance of the Impérial Government, that the whole power of the British Empire will be exerted on our behalf, in case of an attack by a foreign foe, yet in the face of our présent militia organization, or rather want of organization, we must know that so far as ourselves are concerned we should be utterly helpless in such
an event. (Hear, hear.) We sec that whenever, either in Upper or
Ix>wer Canada, the law makes a demand upon the people for the performance of any duty, as for the common every day purpose of serving on juries, they came without a murmur to perform the duty be cause the law throws it upon them. And for the performance of this greater duty of coming forward for the defence of their country and preparing themselves for that defence, I am persuaded they will display
even greater alacrity. (Hear, hear.) I think we should as much as
possible avoid mingling up this measure with the considération of what England will do for us. England will, of course, do as much as she can for us, will if necessary exert her whole power in our behalf, and pour out her treasure and blood for her subjects in this country. In case of war with the United States, England will undoubtcdly be willing, as the member for Montréal West remarked, tô expend her
last fartking and her last uian in our defence. But while it is the duty of England te do so, and whlle we will reçoive from her the exercice of ail her power, still it is plainly and obviously our duty to provide a large and efficient force for the purpose of fifîhting upon our own soil. for oar own possessions, our own privilèges and our own liberties. (Checrs). — (66 et 67)—
HON. Mr.LOR ANGER :— It w as well understood that Canada
would not go to war or be involved in war on its own account, and that if «Ter it were at war with a foreign power it would be in conséquence of the quarrels of Eneland with such power. He had studied the State papers on such subjects for the last eight or ten days, with the express désire of understanding the Impérial policy, but had failed to discover that it had even required the passage of such a measure as was now before the House. (68)
Le 6 mai 1862:—
HON. Mr. GALT : — Both sides of the House could hâve but one
désire, and that was that the institutions we valued and the liberty we enjoyed under the protection of the law should be secured to us without being endangered by attark from any foreign foe. (Hear, hear.) (73)
......Such a cost as that whieh the purchase of 100,000 rifles would entail would
be too great for the Provinces and must devolve on the Impérial Government. This was only reasonable. If difficulty arose with the United States so as to imperil the safety of Canada, it must arise as a conséquence of Impérial policy as distinguished from colonial policy. And under such circumstances, coupled with the examples abready possessed of the libéral bebaviour of the Impérial Government, there was no reason to doubt that the application for arms would be readily responded to. The Canndian Government had good reason to expect that arms would be given either entirc to the militia of Canada by the Impérial Government, or placed at their disposai for service, but still remaining the property of the Impérial authorities
Looking at the pledgre England had given, over and over airain, that tho whole
force of the Empire would be exercised in our favor in the event of our beiag involved in war in conséquence of Impérial policy, we had every reason to suppose that she would treat us in such circumstances in the fairest and most libéral spirit (Hear, hear.) If the country was to be made a battle ground, it would as a matter of course be solely as the resuit of Impérial policy; but he (Hon. Mr. Galt) did not see that their was any fouudation on which to ground a belief that the whole face [force] of the Empire would not be placed at our disposai in case of danger. It should not be forgotten that our abilitics to meet the exigencies of war, along the immense Une of frontier which we possess, would almost cease the moment that war was actually deelared. (Hear, hear.) A great deal had bcen said about the doctrines urged b> certain parties in the House of Gommons, but we should bear in mind that thost persons who thus mistook the position of Canada and based their theory upon it were not the mon who held the destinies of the Empire in their hands. As forming part of the Empire we should be prepared to share in her difficulties as well as hei prosperity. If the mother country were assailed, we should not and we would not •tand by with foldcd arms (Hear, hear). But, on the other hand, we were entitled ta expect in the hour of danger, from the mother country, that support and assistance to which we were entitled and which we had always reccived. Those who said, In the House of Gommons, that Canada would receive no assistance were also those who maintained that England should hâve no colonies. Their doctrine relative to Canada was therefore part of their System and policy. It was pretended by them that we receivcd the protection of England's fleet. We should, however, bear in mind that our Iand frontier was a great source of dan rer to us; and it was in the defence of that frontier that our difficulties mninly existed (74)
Hon. Mr. ROSE: The measure now before the House was of a comprehenslve
nature, inasmuch as if it were carried out to the extent proposed it would affect con- ■iderably the finances of the country. It was one which should lead them to con- ■ider what was due from the Impérial Government to the colony, and what was due from the colony to the Empire
He had carefully read the évidence taken before the Committee
of the House of Commons on the defencc of the colonies, and he was glad to find that the members of the Government, examined before that committeej recognized the claims which the colony had upon the mother country. Lord GREY was also called before the committee, and he endorsed to the fullest extent the views he held as to the duty which he maintained, at the period Lord Elgin was governor General of Canada, rested on England in the event of war to défend the colonies with ail her resources. Lord Grey said he considered that the British Colonial Empire ought to be maintained principally, because he believed that much of the power and influence of England were derived from her colonial possessions, and because also of the assistance she might expect from them in return. This view was expressed in Lord Grey's work on Colonial connection, written some years ago, and which he repeated a short time since before the Committee of the House of Commons. — Lord GREY in a despatch to Lord Elgin referring to the same subject in 1851. called upon Canada not only to provide for the Governor's salary, but to aid In the construction of the Halifax Railway, and this in order that Canada might at ail seasons of the year be within the reach of the aid which England, in case of war, would be ready to afford. And when examined before a Committee he was asked if the mother country derived any advantage from the Colonies which should lead the former to expend money upon their defence, hc said he could not see what reason. the Colonies would hâve to continue their allégeance unless they received the protection which would guarantee their safety in time of trouble. Mr. GLADSTONE, it was true, had said on the same occasion that in his view the Colonies should be primarily responsible for their own defence, but he then went on to say that the subject ought not to be viewed simply in the light of the national balance sheet. It was proper we should understand our duty in case of need; but at the same time it was proper we should also know what we might expect from the mother country. The reason why the feeling that Canada should provide for its own defence, had grown so much in England of late, was that it had been jumbled with the other Colo.iics without considering the fact that its case was quite peculiar. It was now intendcd to limit the whole military expenditure on the Colonies to £4,000,000, of which only £400,000 was expended upon the Nortb- American Colonies, of which the Canadian proportion if properly analysed was les» than £200,000. Now, Australia and the Mauritius cost large sums for defence and so did the West Indies, but Canada should not be mixed up with them, and the 40 or 50 other colonies of Great Britain. Canada had maintained order at the fisheries and had faithfully performed her part of the contract with the mother country, in respect of providing the means of securing peace and quiet on her own border (75)
Mr. LANGEVIN :— If even Canada was to be an independent
country — and everything pointed to such a destiny in proper time — it was necessary that, even without référence to the threatening aspects of the time, we should gradually place ourselves in the condition to meet such a state of things (75)
Le 20 mai, le ministère fut défait sur la deuxième lecture du MU, par 61 voix contre 54. Le 22, il s'éleva un court débat sur la crise ministérielle. Je me borne à en extraire cette déclaration intéressante du colonel Haultain: —
COL. HAULTAIN: — It was understood that certain resolutions
were to hâve been proposed by an hon. gentleman on that side, embodying the désire of the Opposition to place the Militia service of the country [on] an efficient footing. (Cheers). The resolutions were expressive of devoted loyalty to our Most Gracious Sovereign the Queen — (cheers) — and expressed the détermination to do ail that was possible to render the defence of the country efficient, and to maintain our connection with the mother country. (Renewed cheers) Much, however, to the surprise of many honorable gentlemen on the Opposition side of the House, the measure was put to the vote without thèse resolutions being placcd before the House (118)
Les ministres démissionnèrent le 23 mai et le cabinet McDonald- Sicotte fut formé le lendemain. Le 26, un débat s'éleva sur "la politique du nouveau gouvernement": —
Hon. J. A. MACDONALD said : — I think the ncw administration are entitled to crédit for the manful and straightforward course they hâve takcn in announcing their policy. (Hear, hear.) (120)
.We were willing to help Canada to carry out the pledge given
by the British nation that the whole power of the Empire wonld be exerted in our behalf in case of foreign invasion; but what can we think of men who will not eveu consider the principle of a measure to enable theni to fight for their own liberties, their
own soil, their own country Now is the time for organization, and that man
would be a traitor to the best interests of the country, who would not urge by argument, and by vote, and by every means in his power, the necessity of immédiate armainent to défend our country, and onrselves (121)
HON. Mr. LORANGER : — The présent Government would take
means under the existing law for the military defence of the country, and when the hon. member from Kingston attempted to place such a construction in what he (Mr. Loranger) had stated, as that nothiug would be done for the defence of the country by the new Government, he mis?onstrued the facts. He could not conceive how any disappointment could be fclt in England at the resuit, inasmuch as no Militia Bill was demauded by England. He defended those who voted against the Bill from the charge of disloyalty. They were as loyal as their fathers ; but what they wanted was a Militia Bill in harmony with the wiihes and the resources of the country. (Hear, hear.) (121)
Le colonel Rankin prononça, à cette séance, un discours qui fut jugé d'une telle importance, que le Chronide, chargé de la publication officielle des débats, en reproduisit, après la clôture de la session, le texte intégral qui fut ajouté à la série des comptes rendus compilés. C'est de ce texte que les passages suivants sont extraits: —
COL. RANKIN : — If war overtakes us, it can only be caused
by tome question of impérial policy. We, as a province, have not the war-making power; no armed collision can take place between Canada and the United States founded upon any dispute between the Government of the United States and our Provincial Government, though we are liablc at any time to have our country overrun and devastated from end to end by the armed hosts of our powerful neighbor, in conséquence of some such cause as that afforded by the outrage upon the Trent. If war had grown out of that unfortunate affair, we, the people of Canada, regardless of ail selfish considérations, and animated by sentiments of generous dévotion to that flag which is the emblem of so many glorious rccollections, would have rushed to arms as onc man in the cause of England's honor; but, Mr. Speaker, if war had taken place, we Canadians, after that war was ended, and every town and village in our country had been reduced to ashes, or levelled with the ground, would doubtless have been "thanked" for our "loyalty" and then permitted to rebuild our homes and repair our ruined fortunes as best we might, consoled by the reflection, that though we had borne the brunt of a war growing- out of a question in no way affecting our materlal interests, and in the prosecution of which the blood and the lives of our countrymen had been freely offered up, we had conquered the right still to call oursclves British subjects.
Mr. Speaker, I claim to be behind no man in point of attachment to British institutions and "real" loyalty to the Crown, but, Sir, loyalty is one thinjr, and "serrility" is another, and in this country, I regret to say, the latter quality is sometimes mistaken for the former. Expérience is a reliablc, though sometimes a harsh instructor. I well remember, Sir, when in times of trouble, caused by the armed insurrection of 1837, in this country I, in common with thousands of others, and the hon. member for Peel (1) will bear me out in what I am about to say, for he
(1) Hon. J. H. Cameron.
too was a loyal and patriotic actor in the scènes of those days, threw ourselves into the gap to maintain British authority in this country; and it did so happen, during that unhappy period, that, in numerous instances, property belonging to rebels in open arms against the crown, was destroyed by command of the military aulhorities, and doubtless some innocent and harmless people were subjected to treatment which they did not deserve; but ail that was done was performed under the authority of the British Government, and we, Sir, were commended by the British parliament, and thanked by the sovereign for our loyal and valuable services. Sir, but a few short years after the events I hâve alluded to, the représentative of the Crown in this country gave the royal sanction to an Act compelling us to put our hands in our pockets to furnish the means of reimbursing those disaffected subjects whose property we had been commanded to destroy, and for doing which, we had received the spécial thanks of the Queen. Mr. Speaker, the expérience of the past, should admonish us for the future; we should never forget, that, as Canadians and colonists, we can be involved in no war with foreign powers. otherwise than as British subjects, and in defence of British rights, and should any incroachment be made upon our soil by a foreign foe, from causes beyond our provincial control, we ought to be and we certainly are as much intitled to protection as any portion of England itself. If this is not the condition of our connection with the Mother Country, then I say, (as an independent member of this House, and speaking for myself alone,) the sooner that connection ceases the better for ail parties concerned (160)
Ici, l'orateur lit la dépêche de Lord John RUSSELL, du 3 mai 1841 (Voir pièce 6); et il reprend son discours:
Sir, for us to talk of placing Canada in a state of defence
ag&inst the power of the United States Government, is as ridiculous as it would be
for a mouse to assume an attitude of défiance towards an éléphant
Such being the power of our republican neighbors, it is obvious that for us to talk of defending ourselves against the Government of that country, if disposed to attack us, is simply absurd. But, Mr. Speaker, we hâve no cause for appréhension ; in the first place I don't believe that there exists any ill-fceling towards us as Canadians, in the United States, or, if there is such a feeling, it is because we ar» connected with Britain and not on our own account; and as to their entering into a war with a power like England, while oppressed by the weight of such a national debt as that under which they are now groaning, and must continue to suffer for many many years to corne, the idea is out of the question. But, while ail this is truc, we hâve duties and responsibilities which it becomes us to meet in a spirit of "true" loyalty and patriotism, and in this connection, I am happy to inforni the House, that I hâve been authorized to state on behalf of the Government, that législation will take place before the close of the présent session, with a view to a better organization of the militia than is practicable under the law as it now stands. No one can be more strongly impressed with the necessity of such a course, Mr. Speaker, than I am; for, while maintaining that we hâve nothing to fear from the Government of the United States, I still admit that the time may not be far distant, when we may be in some danger of inroads from armed bands of maraudera, acting in défiance of the laws of their own, as well as those of every other country. To guard against such dangers, is a duty clearly devolving upon us as Canadians; it is our duty beyond question to maintain a sufficient force, not only to sustain the civil authorities within our own borders, but to resist lawless aggression, from whatever quarter it may come (160-161).
Le 6 juin, le colonel Haultain proposa, au nom du nouveau ministère, quelques amendements à la Loi de la Milice: —
COL. HAULTAIN : — expressed himself confident that we should hâve no difficulty in obtaining throughout the length and brcadth of the land, a sufficient number of men who would voluntarily come forth to dévote themselves to the defence of the country
Be was sure that Canada would be always found ready to contribute her
Just shnre for her defence He thougM there could be but one opinion as
-to our being ready, sbould the tirac corne, to makc ail necessary sacrifices to préserve our independence and our connection with the mother country. (Hcar, bear.)
In the explanation which ensued, the opinion \vas very generally expressed
that in the event of war, the pay of the militia would be borne by the Impérial Government. (154-5-6)
Le passage suivant est extrait du manifeste électoral de M. McGee, publié à la suite des comptes rendus des débats parlementaires: —
Mr. McGEE'S SPEECH AT MONTREAL The présent is not
the fittest time, nor is the hustings the fittest place, to enter fully into the subject of our Colonial defences. I will only say for mysclf, gentlemen, what you, as my electors bave a right to know, that while I un tboroughly convinced the connexion with the mother country ought to bc an object of attachment with us, second only to the love we bear to onr own institutions, — that while I believe ncxt to England our duty is to cultivate a good understanding with the United States — that having thèse maxims to steer by, on the right hand and the left, I am still of opinion, speaking as a Canadian publicist, that some recognized international status must be found for this conntry which will préserve her better than any armed force, froni being made the battlc ground of quarrels, which she can neither make or avoid. (Cheers). I am not now about to discuss what that international status should bc, but I may refer those who may bc curious in such subjects, to the 30th ebapter of the 7th book of Vattel's "Law of nations" on the rights and immunitics of neutral territories. I speak, of course, for mysclf alone, but I avow that my convictions are daily deepening in favor of some such international arrangement as bas been found so bénéficiai to every second-rate power existing on a continent vis-a-vis with a first-rate power; some such arrangement as established the neutrality of Greece in 1831, and the neutrality of Bclgium in 1839. (Loud cheers). With such an arrangement our own militia would be quite adéquate for an internai defence, and Great Britain would be honorably relieved from the anxiety and outlay of her Canadian garrisons. (Cheers.) (161)
ATTITUDE DÉCISIVE DU MINISTÈRE McDONALD-SICOTTE
Dépêche de Lord Monck, gouverneur-général du Canada, au Duc de Newcastle, ministre des Colonies (*)
(No 96) Québec, lOth June, 1862.
1. My Lord Duke, — I hâve the honor to acknowledge your Grace's despatch, No. 119, of May 22nd, covering a letter from Lord De Grey, dated May lOth, in which his Lordship desired to be informed whether the carbines and saddlery provided for the Cavalry Militia of Canada should be forwarded to that country.
2. I might hâve answered this question by the last mail, but I preferred postponing my reply until after the termination of the Session of the Provincial Parliament, in order that I might, in laying before your Grâce my views on the whole question of the supply of military stores to this Colony, hâve the advantage of knowing the changes which the Législature of Canada might hâve made in the Militia Law of the Province.
3. I hâve the honor to enclose for your Grace's information a copy of the Act for that purpose to which I yesterday signified Her Majesty's assent. I also enclose a copy of the Act of which this Act is an amendment.
4. Your Grâce will observe that substantially the amendments consist of provisions lst. For securing more correct muster Rolls of the sedentary Militia (the whole maie
population of the Province between 18 and 60 years of âge).
2nd. For increasing the number of the active force from five to ten thousand men and the number of days' drill in the year from six to twelve.
3rd. For enabling the Governor General in the event of war, to enlist régiments, indepèndent of the Militia, for the purposes of the war.
4th. Empowering the formation of Drill Associations amongst persons not belonging to the Active Force.
Enclosure, 5. I hâve also the honor to enclose a copy of the Report of the Com-
No- 2. mission on Militia affairs, appointed early in last spring, and of the Rill
founded on that report, which was rejected on its second reading by the Législative Assembly. The réquisitions which I hâve madc to your Grâce for clothing were based on the force which that Bill, if it had become law, would hâve called into existence.
6. The Législature has rcfused to recognize the présent necessity for the military organization of the people of the Province to so large an extent as was contemplated by this Bill, but it has left untouched the powers which the old Militia Law conferred on the Governor General (clause 61), to "call out the militia or any part thereof, whenever " in his opinion it is advisable so to do, by reason of war, invsasion or insurrection or " imminent danger of any of them."
7. The Militia Commission, which numbered amongst its members, military officers and civilians intimately acquainted with this Province, laid it down as their opinion (Par. 8), that to provide an efficient force for the defence of the country, an Active force of 50,000 men with a reserve of the same number ought to be provided. (2)
8. This statement affords an index to the number of militia men whom it would be my duty to call out in case this Province should unhappily become the seat of war.
9. It is true that in conséquence of the failure of the Bill referred to, the men, when called out, will not be so efficient as we might hâve expected them to prove if they had been organized under its provisions, but still, with the exception of the 10,000 Volunteers sanctioned by the new Act, they would be the only contribution which the Province would, under the law as it now stands, hâve in its power to make towards its defence.
10. If the Bill founded on the Report of the Militia Commission had become law, the Colony would hâve been entitled, under your Grace's circular of May 14th, to borrow
(1) Sessional Papers, 1863, march 2d, No 15, pièce 3— Sessional Papers, 1868, No 63, page 2.
(2) Voir pièce 21.
from the Impérial Government the nrms ncccssary for the equipment immediately of 50,000 and ultimately of 100,000.
11. While I do not question the right of the Provincial Parliament to act as they hâve done, in providing, in my judgment, so scantily for the defencc of their territory, and wliile I am ready to admit, that evcnts may prove that in taking this course the représentatives of the people in this Province are acting with sounder judgment than if they had adopted a différent line of conduct, I am on the other hand very anxious, that should thèse views unhappily prove erroneous, I may be in a position to make the most efficient use of the means placed at my disposai.
12. It is with this object that I would earnestly press upon your Grâce the propricty of largely augmenting, during the présent navigation season, the supply of arms and ammunition in store in Canada and of forwarding the other articles for which I hâve applied, cavalry equipments included, not for immédiate issue to the militia force of the Province, but to mect the demand which must arisc if the necessity for calling out the Militia should ever unhappily occur.
13. There are at présent in the Province (including the arms sent out in the Melbourne) in round numbers, 50,000 Enfield Rifles, either in store or in the hands of the Volunteers. My suggestion is that before the closing of the navigation next autunm that nuinber should be raised to at least, 90,000, with equipments and ammunition to correspond.
14. The Militia Commission suggestcd that the number of Field Batteries of Artillery, active and reserve, should bc twenty of 85 men each. I am not aware that we hâve in store in Canada any guns for arming Field Artillery. There are a few in the hands of the Volunteers. I would submit to your Grâce the propriety of placing in store in this Province an armament sufficient for the equipment of the above force.
15. The number of Cavalry fixed by the Commission was 27 troops of 50 men cach, and I would advise that cavalry equipments for that force should be also sent out.
16. Your Grâce will understand that I mean thèse stores to be held by the Impérial storekeepers, not for immédiate issue, but to guard against the evil conséquences which must ensue should war occur during the winter season, and find the Province insufficiently prepared with a supply of arms at a period of the year when they cannot be forwarded from England without great risk and increased expensc.
I hâve, &c.
(Signcd,) MONCK.
His Grâce the Duke of Newcastle.
Dépêche du Duc de Newcastle à Lord Monde (*)
(No 103) Downing Street, 21st August, 1862.
My Lord, — Now that the Session of Parliament has bcen brought to a close, I feel it my duty to call your Lordship's attention, in a more formai manner than I bave hitherto done, since the rejection of the Militia Bill by the Législature of Canada, and the conséquent change of your responsible advisers, to the want of préparation for defencc of the British North American Provinces, in the event of an interruption of the présent amicable relations of this country with the United States, and to the anxiety which was expressed upon this subject, on more than one occasion, both in the House of Lords and in the House of Commons.
I trust that the gênerai spirit of those debates will not hâve been misinterpreted. I feçl no less confidence that the object of the présent despatch will not be mistaken as implying either mistrust of the Canadian people or an altération by Her Majesty's Government of the view which they hâve frequently expressed of the relations which ought to exist between England and the Colony.
On the one hand, the promptitude with which troops and stores were despatched last winter, with much inconvenience to the soldiers, and at no inconsiderable expensc to this country, shows the readiness of England to défend Canada with the whole power
(1 1 Sessional Papers, 1863, Xo 15, pièce 9. — Sessional Papers, 1868, Mo 63, page 3.
of the Empire; whilst, on the other hand, the réception of those troops and the loyal cnthusiasm of the people of Canada, give ample assurance of the fact that Canada is attached to this country, and faithi'ul to the Queen.
It cannot be denied, however, that the rejection of the Militia Bill has produced a disadvantageous impression on the munis of the English people. The public cannot be expected to see that the adoption or rejection of a particular measure may sometimes tum, not so much on the merits of the measure itsclf as on other considérations, though Her Majesty's Government are aware that Parliamentary tactics in a free Représentative Assembly not unfrequently make that appear the real issue, which is in fact only the occasion.
They do not, therefore, infer from the rejection of this measure, that either the Canadian Ministry or the Canadian people are reluctant to make proper provision for their own defence, but they do regret that, at such a moment, l>oth should be exposed to misconstruction of their motives and intentions, not only by the people of England, but by those of the United States.
Her Majesty's Government disclaim both the right and the désire to interfère in the party politics of Canada, and they would évince no concern in the late change of your advisers, if it werc not connected with an event which appears to impugn the patriotism of her people.
If I urge upon you the importance of speedily resuming measures for some better military organization of the inhabitants of Canada than that which now exists, it must not be supposed that Her Majesty's Government is influenced by any particular appréhension of an attack on the Colony at the présent moment, but undoubtedly the necessity for préparation, which has from time been urged by successive Secretaries of State, is grëatly increased by the présence, for the first time on the American Continent, of a large standing army, and the unsettled condition of the neighboring States. Moreover, the growing importance of the Colony, and its attachment to free institutions, make it every day more cssential that it should possess in itself, that, without which no free institutions can be secure — adéquate means of self-defence. The adequacy of those means is materially influenced by the peculiar position of the country. Its extent of frontier is such that it can be safe only when its population capable of bearing arms, is ready and compétent to fight. That the population is ready, no one will venture to doubt; that it cannot be compétent, is no less certain, until it has received that organization, and acquired that habit of discipline, which constitute the différence between a trained force and an arined mob. The drill required in the regular army, or even in the best Volunteer Battalion, is not necessary, nor would it be possible, in a country like Canada, for so large a body of men as ought to be prepared for any emergency; but the Government should be able to avail itself of the services of the strong and healthy portion of the maie adult population at short notice, if the dangers of invasion by an already organized army are to be provided against.
We hâve the opinions of the best military authorities, that no body of troops which England could send, would be able to make Canada safe without the efficient aid of the Canadian people. Not only is it impossible to send sufficient troops, but if there were four times the numbers which we are now maintaining in British North America, they could not secure the whole of the frontier. The main dependence of such a country must be upon its own people. The irregular forces which can be formed from the population, know the passes of the woods, are well acquainted with the country, its roads, its rivers, its défiles: and for défensive warfare, (for aggression they will never be >vanted), would be far more available than regular soldiers.
It is not, therefore, the unwillingness, or the inability of Her Majesty's Government to furnish sufficient troops, but the uselessness of such troops without an adéquate militia force, that I wish to impress upon you.
In your despatch of the 17th May last, you informed me that there were then 14,760 Volunteers enrolled, besides others who had been more or less drilled. It is far, indeed, from my intention to discrédit either the zeal or the. efficiency of thèse Volunteers who hâve, I hope, greatly increased in number since the date of your despatch; but they constitute a force which cannot suffice for Canada in the event of war. They inight form an admirable small contingent, but what would be required would be a large army. They might form a force stronger than is necessary in time of peace to secure internai tranquility, but would be inadéquate to repel external attack in time of war.
Past expérience shows that no reasonable amount of encouragement can raise the number of volunteers to the required extent.
It appears to me that the smallest number of men partially drilled, which it would be essential to provide within a given time, is 50,000. The remainder of the Militia would of course be liable to be called upon in an emergency. Perhaps the best course would be to drill every year one or more companies of cach Battalion of the Sedentary Militia. In this manner the training of a large number of men might be effected, and ail companies so drilled should once at least in rwo years, if not in each year, be exercised in Battalion drill, so as to keep up their training.
I put forward thèse suggestions for the considération of the Canadian Government and Parliament, but Her Majesty's Government hâve no désire to dictate as to détails, or to interfère with the internai Government of the Colony. Their only object is to assist and guide its action in the matter of the Militia as to make that force efficient, at the least possible cost to the Province and to the mother country.
The Canadian Government will doubtless be fully alive to the important fact that a well organized system of Militia will contribute much towards sustaining the high position with référence to pecuniary crédit, which, in spite of its large debt, and its déficient revenue for the past few years, the Colony has hitherto held in the money markets of Europe. A country, which, however unjustly» is suspected of inability or indisposition to provide for its own defence, docs not in the présent circumstances of America, offer a tempting field for investment in public funds, or the outlay of private capital. Men question the stable condition of affairs in a land which is not compétent to protect itself.
It may no doubt be argued on the other hand, that the increased charge of a Militia would diminish rather than enlarge the crédit of the colony. I am convinced that such would not be the case if steps were taken for securing a basis of taxation sounder in itself than the almost exclusive reliance on Customs duties. It is my belief that a step in this direction would not only supply funds for the Militia but would remove ail appréhension which exists as to the resourecs of the Colony.
Whatever other steps may be taken for the improved organization of the Militia, it appears to Her Majesty's Government to be of esscnt'al importance that its administration and the supply of funds for its support, should be exempt from the dishirbing action of ordinary politics. Unless this be donc, there can be no confidence that in the appointaient of officiers and in other matters of a purely military character, no other object than the efficiency of the force is kept in view. Were it not that it might fairly be considered too great an interférence with the privilèges of the représentatives of the people, I should be inclined to suggest that the charge for the militia, or a certain fixed portion of it, should be defrayed from the Consolidated Fund of Canada, or voted for a period of three or five years.
It has further occured to me that the whole of the British Provinces on the continent of North America, hâve in this matter of defence common interests and common duties. Is it impossible that with the free consent of each of thèse Colonies, one uniform system of militia training and organization should be introdueed into ail of them? The numbers of men to be raised and trained in each would bave to be fixed, and the expenses of the whole would be defrayed from a common fund, contributed in fair proportion by each of the Colonies. If the Governor General of Canada were Commander in Chief of the whole, the Lieutenant Governors of the other Colonies would act as Gênerais of Division under him, but it would be essential that an Adjutant General of the whole force, approved by Her Majesty's Government, should move to and fro, as occasion might require, so as to give uniformity to the training of the whole, and cohésion to the force itself.
As such a scheme would affect more than one Colony, it must, of course, emanate from the Secretary of State, but Her Mejesty's Government would not entertain it unless they were convinced that it would be acceptable both to the people of Canada and to the other Colonies, and they désire to know in the first instance, in what light any such plan would be viewed by the Members of your Executive Council. I understand that the Lieutenant Governors of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, availing themselves of the leave of absence lately accorded to them, intend to meet you in Québec in the course of the ensuing month. This visit will afford you a good opportunity for consulting them upon this important question.
The political union of thc North America Colonies lias often becn discussed. The merits of that measure, and the difficulties in the way of its accomplishment hâve becn well considered, but none of the objections which oppose it seem to impede a union for defence. This matter is one in which ail the Colonies hâve intcrests conunon with each other and identical with the policy of England.
I conclude by again urging upon you the necessity for an early décision upon this raost important question. I should hear with very great satisfaction that your Government had decided upon advising you to summon the Parliament of Canada to mcet at an early period so that the winter shall not pass over, without obtaining from the Législature such powers as may enable you to commence a well arrangea Military organization of the Provinces, and prépare for such emergencies as, though they cannot be accurately foreseen, it must be évident to everybody, may possible arise, and are at présent very inadequately provided for. It is in time of peace that preliminary measures of defence should be perfected, so that in the event of war they may be found so far ready as to ensure that an encmy shall not obtain a footing in the country, before aid is forthcoming from other portions of the Empire.
I hâve, &c,
( Signed, ) NEWC ASTLE.
Governor Viscount Monck, &c, &c.
Rapport du Conseil des Ministres 0)
(Extraits)