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NOTES DE VOYAGE
§ 16. — La stèle funéraire du tombeau d*Anna.
J'ai déjà publié, dans un numéro précédent du Recueil \ une des stèles découvertes par M. BoussAC, élève de la Mission française, au tombeau d'Anna. Voici la seconde que je donne, malgré ses mutilations :
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PRK-HELLENIC MONUMENTS OP^ CAPPADOCIA
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U. BOURIANT
PRE-HELLENIG MONUMENTS OF CAPPADOCIA
BY
Ramsay and Hogarth *
In the summer of 1890, tlie expédition sent out by the Asia Minor Exploration Fund, consisting of ourselves and Mr. A. C. Headlam of AU Soûls Collège, Oxford, discovered or re-examined several pre-Hellenic Monuments in Cappadocia. We now publish photographs, drawings, and transcriptions of ail, even of those which hâve appeared already elsewhere, in the hope that a comparison of our représentations with those of oth^ travellers may be of use to scholars.
We do not advance herewith any theory as to the origin of thèse monuments or as to the interprétation of the symbols on them. We intend hereafter to explore as thoroughly as possible eastern and northern Cappadocia *, and^ for the présent^ our object is simply to state as plainly and accurately as we can the évidence which we hâve coUected.
The monuments which are published hère fall for the most part into two groups, 1. the monuments of Tyana, Ivriz, and Bulgar Maden; 2. the rock-sculptures of Fraktin. Some gênerai description of the two groups, and of the situation in which they are found, may form auseful introduction to the study of the actual monuments. To thèse are added inscriptions from Gauraina and Tyriaion.
THE LOCALITIES.
1. TuANA, Dana, or Tyana' (as it is commonly spelt), strikes the traveller as one of the two most remarkable ancient cities of Asia Minor, the other being Pteria (Boghaz
(1) Part 1. is writtea mainly by Ramsay.
(2) This design bas been accomplished partiaLly daring the summer of 1891, aod we hope to publish shortly some more important monuments, notably an obelisk from Izgin near Albistân, and a statue with incised inscription from Palanga near Derendé. The discovery of the latier has caused us to defor for the présent a Comparative Table of the incised characters, and some remarks thereon, which we had designed for the présent article.
(3) Dana in Xenophon, Anab. 1, 2, 20 : Tuana or Twana is the most correct représentation of the sound which the Greeks hellenised as Tuava, and which appears in Ibn Khordàdhbeh as Towàoa.
PRE-HELLENIC MONUMENTS OF CAPPADOCIA
Keui). Its modem name is Ekûz Hissar or Ekùzli Hissar *. Tyana was situated about the lowest part of the plain that is bounded on the north by the lofty Hassan Dagh (probably called Argeos in ancient time, bearing the same name that was and still is applied to the great mountain south of Caesareia-Mazaka), on the east by lower hills which contain the silver mines called Bereketli Maden and extend back tothe mighty ridge called Ala Dagh, and on the south by similar hills which are interposed between the main ridge of Taurus (Bulgar Dagh) and the level plain. On the west the rich valley of Tyana is raerged in the great Lycaonian plain.
The district of Tyana is exceedingly well-wat^red. Numerous fine springs rise in the south-western spurs of Hassan Dagh, and flow through Bor, a considérable town 3 or 4 miles north of Tyana. Nigde in the corner of the plain about 12 miles north east of Tyana is also well supplied with water. Very fine springs rise on the eastern skirts of the straggling village that now occupies the site of Tyana, and irrigate its extensive gardons. Hot springs also rise beside the road from Bor to Nigde, and in the fourth century after Christ were called the springs of Xanxaris. Near them was a monastery named Pasa or Paspasa. Sixteen Roman miles to the north east of Tyana is the village of Andabalis ', still called Andaval; and in the district about Tyana and Andabalis there was a large estate, which can be traced as the property of the Roman Emperors in the fourth and in the tenth century '. The only facts recorded about it are that it was rich and fertile, and that very fine horses were bred on it. The fertility of much of the land in the neighbourhood is obvions at the présent day ; and certain minerai products also contribute to the comparative wealth and prosperity of the district. Saltpetre is coUected in great quantities, and beside the fine springs on the north-east of Tyana a peculiar kind of dense heavy earth is dug up, which is said to be a cure for barrenness in women.
About two miles south of Tyana is the spring described by the ancient writers * as sacred to Zeus Asbamaios, and as continually boiling up yet never overflowing. Hamilton, Researches in Asia Minor, II. 302, describes it in terms which entirely corroborate thèse accounts. It is *' a lake about 40 feet in diameter, fuU of brackish water, bubbling and boiling up ail over, particularly in the centre, " yet it neither overflows, nor does any stream escape from it.
The district of Tyana therefore unités both natural advantages to support a great city and natural phenomena such as might seem to be a manifestation of divine power and might constitute a centre of religions awe. It is always in situations remarkable by nature that we find the great seats of the primitive religion of Asia Minor. The native Hieron, and the town that grew up round the hieron, Hiero-polis *, were always
(1) The name means *« Cattle Fortpess " : it has been much maltreated by travellers. being gi\ren as Kiz Hissar. ** Girl Fortress *', and Kilisse Hissar, '• Church Fortress ".
(2) Andabalis or Andabilis. Is the name connected with that of the small Indian bird called in Arabie poets by the non-Arabie name Andabilî See Masoudi, les Prairies d'or, transi, by Barbier de Ménard, 111, p. 16. Anda in Sanskrit means an egg; but Andabil do?s not appear to be known in any of the Sanskritic laoguages.
(3) See Ramsav, Historical Gcorjraphy of Asia Minor, pp. S47. 449, 39.
(4) Strabo, p. 537; Philostr., Vit. A poil., I, 6; Aristotle, Mirah. Ausrult., 163; Ammianus, XXlII, 6.
(5) The proper Greek form is Hiera-polis, but where Greek civilisation has been assirailated fully (E. g.
76 PRE-HELLENIC MONUMENTS OF CAPPADOCIA
marked out by the deity for the benefît of men. There he manifested his power in tlie wonders of nature, and revealed his will through his human représentative, the priest, who thus became the lord and master of ail the worshippers of the god.
The " Mound of Semiramis " mentioned by Strabo at Tyana, is still to be seen : the villagers are said to hâve found many " arUicas " in it; and its excavation would probably well repay the expense.
The most iraposing relies of Tyana are the numerous arches of an aqueduct, which run in a north-easterly direction from the village for more than a mile. Thèse arches, which are about 20 feet high where they enter the village, become lower and lower as one follows them up, until they reach at last the rising ground, and cease : but the native account is that the water which used to run along the aqueduct was brought from a village, Eski Gumush, about 14 miles to the north east, and that the water channel can still be traced in a winding course along the edge of the hills. We did not verify the statement by actual inspection but hâve no doubt that it is true.
The arches of the aqueduct are built of blocks whose size is often considérable and sometimes great, the stones are roughly eut, and the style of building is often almost polygonal. The top stone of each pier is always (so far as Ramsay observed) of the same shape.
This masonry cannot possibly be referred to Roman times. The only doubt is whether it is of the period of the semi-Greek kings of Cappadocia, or raust be referred to the same pre-Hellenic period to which the sculptures published in this article belong. The latter is probably the case, for two reasons : (1) Strabo's account, combined with the situation and remains, does not suggest that Tyana was a fortified city, such as would be a stronghold of the kings in the rather troubled period immediately before the Roman conquest : (2) the masonry can hardly be referred to so late a period as that when kings ruled over Tyana. We conclude therefore that the aqueduct was constructed by the rulers of an older time before Hellenic influence affected Tyana.
The existence of such an aqueduct implies a city of very considérable size and importance. The springs beside Tyana are suflBcient to supply plentifuUy at the présent time a village of considérable size, and to irrigate an extensive séries of gardens. Not merely civilisation and engineering skill of no mean order but also a large population must hâve existed at Tyana, when this aqueduct was needed and was built, To a city so important we may justifiably attribute any monuments which are found in the district.
There can be ho doubt that the mines of Bulgar Maden were worked for the profit of some neighbouring city. In the immédiate vicinity there is no trace, and no practical possibility, of the existence of any great city of pre-Roman time. Halala-Faustinopolis- Loulon \ which is only about ten miles distant from the mines, appears to hâve been a
Phrygia, Cappadocia, Cilicia, Syria) Hiero-poUs is the form. The city in the Lycus valley is sometlines called Hieropolis on its earliest coias, but always Hierapolis after it became thoroughly grecised.
(1) There is now complète évidence that the identification of Faustinopolis and Loulon, proposed in Hist. Geogr.y p. 353, is correct. Loulon or Halàla was the name of a district eztending from at least the hot springs east of Tchifte Khan to Sejah-ed-din Ulu Kishla, a distance of more than 20 miles. Faustinopolis was at Ulu
PRE-HELLENIC MONUMENTS OF CAPPADOCIA 77
mère village till the time of Marcus Aurelius, aad to hâve derived ail its importance from its situation on a highroad between greater centres of population. Tyana is the city in whose interest thèse mines were originally worked. The geographical conditions make this a practical certainty.
The connection of Ivriz with Tyana is not so certain. There can be however only two alternatives : either Kybistra-Heracleia, the city near Ivriz, was subject to Tyana, or it was an independent centre of a similar type to Tyana. The latter alternative is not so probable, owing to the absence of traces of a gi*eat city and centre of power at Kybistra.
Moreover the évidence is clear that Kybistra was always a city of Cappadocia. In that case it must hâve been originally in the Strategia Tyanitis in the period when the whole of Cappadocia was divided into ten Strategiai. In Strabo's time it was included in the recently formed Eleventh Strategia (afterwards called Antiochiane from its king Antiochus IV), and Ptolemy, being utterly puzzled by the conflict between his authorities, some of whom gave ten and others eleven Strategiai, actually assigns it to Kilikia*, the Strategia round Caesareia-Mazaka. But the geographical conditions make it clear that Kybistra can only hâve belonged to Tyanitis before the formation of the Eleventh Strategia. The district Tyanitis was, as we may assume, under the rule of Tyana, and derived its name from that fact. But even apart from this historical reason, every one who examines the country will probably come to the conclusion that Tyana was the ruling centre of the country at least as far as Kybistra ; though the distance, which is not much less than 40 miles, and the natural advantages of Kybistra assured it a certain amount of independent importance, such as could never hâve been the case at Bulgar Maden.
Thèse facts establish the antécédent probability that the pre-Hellenic sculptures of Tyana, Bulgar Maden, and Ivriz, constitute a group connected with each other, and ought to be studied in that connection. The next point that demands notice in approaching thèse sculptures is the form of government and the social condition of the old city of Tyana.
To judge from the account given by Strabo, pp. 535, 537, the district of Tyana was ruled by priest-dynasts from the dawn of historical memory. Under Persian rule thèse priests would naturally continue to be the chiefs of the district, but, after the Greek conquest, their power became secondary to that of the kings of Cappadocia. Thèse priests were ministers of the worship of Zeus Asbamaios, or Asmabaios, whose holy lake of bitter water, cold yet boiling, ever rising yet never overflowing, has just been described.
There is no évidence whether Tyana, before the conquest of Cappadocia by the Assyrians and by the Persians, was a state governed by a king superior or equal to the priest, or whether the priest was actually the king and ruler from the earliest time, or whether the condition of things described by Strabo, viz. a superior king of ail Cappadocia possessing nominal authority over the varions districts in each of which the power of its
Kishla, bat the castle of Lonlon was on a lofty peak four miles east, round which the road kom Tyana to Uie Cilician Gates winds.
(1) He gives the form Kyzistra, which is in Hist, Geogr, p. 306 wrongly called ' an error '. Kyzistra is really a variant of Kybistra; the native name being grecised in two différent ways.
FRE-HELLENIC MONUMENTS OF CAPPADOCIA
own priest was more real and strong than that of the king, applies aiso to that far distant period. It is most probable that the hist was the case, and that the sovereignty of ibis superior king passed in turn to the Assyrian, Médian, Persian and semi-Greek sovereigns, while the real authority in Tyana was through ail thèse changes exercised by the priests of Zeus Asbaraaios. Now the two sculptured stelae wliich hâve been found at Bor and at Andaval (plate I), and which undoubtedly must hâve corne ultimately from Tyana, represent two persons of the same gênerai type and class ; and the conjecture readily suggests itself that thèse persons may be two of the priests of Tyana.
Similar priest-dynasts are a wide-spread feature of the primitive social syëtem of Asia Minor ; their existence is known with certainty or inferred with probability * at the two towns Komana, at Venasa not far north of Tyana, at Olba, at Pe««inous, at Aizanoï, and many other places. Now there are two characteristics, which can be regarded as probable in regard to most of thèse priests and as proved in regard to some of them : (1) they wore the dress and represented the person of the god, whose priests they were : (2) they were iepwvufioi, losing their individual name at their succession to the office, and assuming a sacred name, often that of the god himself or of some figure connected with the cultus of the god. The priest of Cybele at Pessinous was called Attis, the priests of Sabazios were Saboi, the worshippers of Bacchos Bacchoi.
There is therefore every probability that both thèse characteristics marked the Tyanean dynasts.
Looking at the sculptures in this light we observe, besides the resemblance between the Bor and Andaval heads, both that the Bor head and the head of the priest at Ivriz (Plate III) hâve a very marked likeness to each other, and that, according to Hogarth, who was admitted at dead of night to take a momentary glance at it, the détails of dress on the full length relief at Bor bear a striking resemblance (perfect, so far as he could judge on a momentary inspection) to tho»e of the smaller figure at Ivriz. It is probable therefore that we hâve found the fulHength portraits of two priest-dynasts in their priestly robes, and the head of a third.
It may be noticed that this elaborate priestly dress is entirely différent in character from that of the god at Ivriz. The latter is dressed with the utmost simplicity, and rather as a husbandman, who produces the corn and grapes borne in his hands as symbols of his power. The elaborately embroidered robes of the priest présent a remarkable contrast with the plain dress of the god whom he worships. Either then the priest at Ivriz wears a dress strikingly différent from that of the god whom he represents, or else he strictly is not the priest of Ivriz, but is the priest-king of Tyana shown in adoration before the local god, the giver of the fertility and abundance that exist there. The latter supposition seems much more natural and probable.
(1) For etample io tbe Christian fonn of the festival at Venasa diiring the fourth centary the leader of the cérémonies assumed the garb and character of patriarch ; this has been interpreted as the Christian per* petuation of the older cnstom that the priest should wear the dress of the god : see Basil Caes., Epist, 169 \412], and Ramsav, * Glycerius the Deacon \ in ' Eœpositor ', 1891. p. 336 flf.
PRE-HELLENIC M0NUMP:NTS OF CAPPADOCIA
In the next place, we shall be justified in advancing tlie hypotliesis that the name of the priests of Tyana may be expected in ail the inscriptions of the district; and if we find the same group of symbols in them ail, that group may be plausibly conjectured to represent the name. On the other hand, it would be incorrect to infer, f rom the occurrence of the same name in ail thèse inscriptions, that the same individual is meant in them ail, and that they ail belong to the life-time of that individual.
Finally the silver seal bought at Bor by Hogarth represents probably one of the same class of figures as those which we hâve been describing. The ornameutation of the dress is less elaborate; but the artist, working on such a small scale, naturally gave up the attempt to represent such minute design. This seal may, with every appearance of probability, be supposed to hâve belonged to one of the priest-dynasts of Tyana, and to give his portrait or the portrait of his god, which would greatly resemble his own, if we assume that the priests wore the dress and represented the character of the god.
On the other hand the king represented on the lost silver boss with bilingual inscription wears a dress differing in character and arrangement, and resembling much more closely the dress worn by many of the figures at Boghaz Keui and Eyuk. There is therefore no a priori probability that it was found in the Tyana district or belongs to the Tyana group.
Another point which properly belongs to this introductory statement is to détermine whether any évidence can be found as to the name of the deity or the title of the priest of Tyana. Under the influence of Greek civilisation the deity of Tyana was identified with Zeus, but this only proves that he was a maie deity, and gives a very slight indication of his gênerai character. The epithet Asbamaios, or Asmabaios, is more likely to be useful ; and probably it is either a local epithet of the god derived from the lake *, or a slightly grecised form of the name commonly applied to him at Tyana.
The différence of his character from that of the god of Kybistra and Ivriz may be inferred from the Greek identification of the latter. If we may judge from the Byzantine name of Kybistra, viz. Herakleia, the god of the district was by the Greeks identified with their Herakles; and obviously the plainly dressed husbandman, the benefactor of the countrj% who is represented on the rocks at Ivriz, has considérable analogy to the workman Kerakles, who drained marshes and cleared the land for the benefit of mankind. In that case the god of Ivriz is probably the Cilician god Sandon. We hâve therefore an additional reason, beyond that already stated, for distinguishing the god of Ivriz from the god of Tyana. The latter seemed to the grecising Cappadocians rather to be like the Greek Zeus, the suprême and sovereign god; and we mightexpect, both from this identification and from the custom which is familiar in varions parts of Asia Minor, that at Tyana he would be known by the gênerai title '' the god " as well as by his individual name. This appears actually to hâve been the case. As lias been shown' elsewhere, the name Bazis, recorded by Ptolemy, was probably given to the seat of Zeus
(1) Tbe Uke bore tbis name, according to Philostratus, VU, A/tolLj I. 6.
(2) Hist Geogr., p. 347.
Asbamaios; and the same name appears as a féminine personal name at Komana, with the speiling BoÇhç or BaÇfîç\ It is therefore an adjectival form derived from the name- Word meaning ' god ', which appears in old Persian as Baga, and in Phrygian as Bagaios. Bazis then is an adjectival form meaning ' belonging to the God ' ; and it was apparently usual at Tyana to mention their deity as 6 etôç, Baga \
But the proper name of the god is in ail probability preserved to us in the name applied to the great impérial estate at Tyana. It has been elsewhere shown * that the natural interprétation of the facts known to us is as follows. The property of the Roraan emperors near Tyana was inherited from their predecessors in the government of the country; and the estate, which is called Traciae in the Peutinger Table, Dragai by Ptolemy, and Drizes or Drizion by the later Byzantine historians, was originally the property of the god. Now Dragai may quite fairly be taken as a grecised form implying a native original of the form Darg-, and Traciae as a formation from a stem Tark-; and in Cataonia we hâve the sacred city on the river Karmalas (Zamanti Su), bearing the name Das-tark-on. The pronunciation of the Anatolian peasantry, especially those of the southern districts, frequently substitutes D and G for T and K in both ancient and modem names. Compare the Latin Avircius, which, as the name of the Phrygian saint (of an Italian family) Aberkios, was adopted in Cappadocia under the form Abourgios (Basil Caes., Epist.). There is therefore no philological diflSculty in the way of assigning to the name Traciae or Dragai the sensé of ' property of the god Tark- ' ; and in that case the god of Tyana and of Dastarkon would be the same.
This reasoning would not justify us in défini tely assigning thé name Tark- to the god of Tyana; but it at least makes the name probable, and it shows that if independent reasons are found for giving this name to the deity, the évidence derived from local names and facts is in perfect agreement.
The description of Tyana which we hâve just given brings before us the picture of a great pre-Hellenic city, ruling over the southwestern part of Cappadocia, which dérives from it the name Tyanitis. We must turn to the monuments themselves in order to gain any further idea of its character, its relations with other countries, and the period to which its greatness belonged.
About Kybistra-Herakleia even less is known than about Tyana. Its exact site is uncertain, for the modem Eregli, which retains the ancient name, is of very récent growth, and the ancient city was certainly much doser to Ivriz, probably about Tont or Zarapa. The mediaeval fortress of Herakleia was on the hill which is called Tont Kalessi, where its remains are conspicuous. But " the strong castle of Hirakla ", as the Arabs called it, was not on the exact site of the older Kybistra; it was built on a hill in
(1) Journ, 0/ PhiloL, XI, p. 160; Bull. Corr. HelL, VII, p. 160.
(2) On the connectioa of ^ in the poot-word with a in the derived word compare Fick, Ehemalige Sprach^ einheit, ch. viii, who shows that in Phrygian gh regularly passed into a. The Phrygian city Brouzos is probably derived from (Djovy- through a form (Dpovyoç, Broughos. Hesychius interprets Bayaioç as Zcvc (Dpûycoç.
(3) Hiat, Geogr., p. 449. The probability suggested there that the clay tablets boughtat Kaisari corne from Tyana cannot be maintained. Itis a possibility, but no more; for we could flnd no évidence that such tablets had ever been heard of at Tyana.
PRE-HELLENIC MONUMENTS OF CAPPADOCIA 81
the neigbbourhood which was better suited to the circumstances of the frontier wars with the Arabs. Next to the rock-sculpture of Ivriz, the most striking relie of ancient Kybistra is the irrigation System, which is on a more extensive scale than any thing of the kind that we hâve ever seen in Asia Minor, and bas the appearance of being very old. The name Herakleia is known only in late Byzantine time, but must obviously bave existed in the Graeco-Roman period; it marks the city as sacred to the god Herakles- Sandon. It is very remarkable that this pagan title should bave entirely displaced the other name in the Christian period : the reason must be that this name was the popular one, used by the natives of the city and the district around. - 2. Dastarkon is known only from the statement of Strabo, p. 537 : to Aâoropxov, ô
Trtpcppccrot ta» Kapfiokt. ttoto^w • i;jfi it tmï itpov to toÛ KoTotovoç 'Ànoiluvoç txxff o^ïjv TtfAw/ovov tïJv KajrTra^oxîov,
jTOcwTopfvftMr àfiêpvfuxra mi «wtov. Thc proof that the river Karmalas is the modem Zamanti Su bas been given elsewhere, and it bas been shown that it was probably the frontier between the two strategiai of Kilikia and Kataonia \ The words of Strabo would leave it uncertain whether Dastarkon was in Kataonia or in Melitene, but the référence to the river Karmalas proves that it was in Kataonia, and therefore on the left bank of the river. Now the upper part of the course of the Karmalas is in Strategia Sargarausene; and therefore no situation on the upper part of the course of the river can be assigned to Dastarkon.
We may argne from the words of Strabo that Dastarkon was situated in one of the bends of the Karmalas. Of thèse there are three great bends which may be taken into acount. The ftrst is some way below Ariarathia-Tzamandos (now called Azizie), where the river tums from a westerly to a southerly direction; but it is notpermissible to suppose that Kataonia can bave extended so far as to reach the Karmalas at tliis point. The next is below Sebagena, where the river turns again from a southerly to a westerly course; but hère it can only enclose a city on the right or Kilikian bank. Further down, between the modem villages Kisken and Fraktin, the river once more turns to a southerly direction; and in this bend, on the left bank, we are compelled, by Strabo's description •, to place Dastarkon and the Hieron of ApoUo Kataonios.
Another circumstance that faveurs the placing of Dastarkon in this situation is that a holy city is likely to bave been situated not too close to Komana, and this situation is the furthest i^emoved from Komana along the course of the Karmalas until the river enters the almost pathless mountains of Taurus. Hère we bave a situation on the Karmalas, which seems likely to bave been the religions centre of the great plain and liill countrj^ south of Mount Argaeus, lying between the territories belonging to the other three religious centres of Cappadocia which Strabo enumerates, viz. (1) Komana, (2) Venasa,
(1) Hi»t, Geogr., pp. 288, 312. A journey made through this district in 1890 eoables us further to conflrm and complète the reasoning there given. For the geographical détails in the map, there given, my chief authority is Major Bennet The distinction must be noliced between Cilicia, the country south of Taurus, and Kilikia, the Strategia of Cappadocia, north of Taurus and divided from Cilicia by Kataonia.
(2) The Karmalas flows in long sweeps. and not in links like the Maeander; hence we assume with some confidence that Dastarkon was situated at this point, eveu though we hâve not traced its whole course, but only seen it at several points.
PRE-HELLENIC MONUMENTS OF CAPPADOCIA
(3) the hieron of Zeus Asbamaios at Tyana. A glance at the map will show how natural it is that thèse four hiera should be the four centres of the country.
Just at this bend, within which we suppose Dastarkon to hâve been situated, a small stream from the north joins the Karmalas. On this stream, about a mile above the river Karmalas, is situated the village Ferak-Din or Fraktin ; and one mile further north the remarkable sculptures shown on PI. VI are situated near the head of the stream.
The permanence of religious institutions in Asia Minor amid ail the changes of government, race, and religion, which hâve swept over the peninsula, is oneof the most remarkable phenomena brought out in the ' Historical Geography ofAsia Minor \ We therefore find another confirmation of our identification of Dastarkon, in the fact that the Bishopric of Kiskissos was situated at the modem village Kisken, which is the nearest to the site now assigned to Dastarkon *.
One other inference we may draw from the words of Strabo. The hieron of Dastarkon, though honoured over the whole of Cappadocia-, whereas other hiera are honoured each in its own district alone, yet is not said to be of any great importance in Strabo's time. Komana is first, Venasà second, Tyana third, but Dastarkon gets no place in this list. It is simply the mother of the other hiera, and honoured universally. We may safely infer from this that Dastarkon was an ancient hieron, of greater importance in early time, which had lost its political importance in the changed circumstances of récent centuries, but was still looked up to as older than, and mother of, the other Cappadocian sanctuaries.
Dastarkon, compared with Dasmenda in Cappadocia and Dasteira in Armenia, is probably to be divided Das-Tark-on, " the place of the god Tark- ". We may therefore look for this god in any religious sculptures found in the neighbourhood. Amid the almost complète darkness, in which this country is enveloped, we can hardly hope for further information before approaching the sculptures; and may felicitate ourselves on being able to specify with great probability the name of the neighbouring hieron, and to prove its great importance in the religious history of Cappadocia.
One most important observation must be made about Dastarkon. AU the other situations where monuments of the class with which we are dealing hâve yet been found are situated on one or another of the great routes that lead across the coimtry to the east ; and might therefore be referred to the domination of a foreign power in eastem Asia Minor; though we hâve always opposed such a view. But Dastarkon is in a corner of Cappadocia beneath Taurus, far from any great route : it exists for Cappadocia alone, has no foreign connection, and can only be a centre of native religion and art.
Beside thèse monuments, we give also copies of some other inscriptions in hieroglyphics from Cappadocia and Lycaonia.
3. Gauraina is mentioned by Ptolemy among the towns of the Strategia Sarga-
(1) I may hère add to tbe list of known bishops of Kiskissos (viz. Plato 692, and Sotbricuos 787) the followingtwo Stephanus 980, and Nicetas1049. V. Tischendorp, Noo. Test, Graec., vol. III Prolegg., p. 714, no. 181 : a référence which I owe to Prof. Sanday.
PRE-HELLENIC MONUMENTS OF CAPPADOCIA 83
rausene. It has retained its name to the présent day in the form Gurun, which is an important town, situated on a tributary of the Euphrates, the Tokhma Su, whose ancient name was perhaps Mêlas \ In Kiepert's maps it is always marked as Karmalas, but the Karmalas flowed into the Cilician sea and must be identified with the Zamanti Su '. Nothing is known about the history of Gauraina, and the only référence to it is that just quoted from Ptolemy's list. The road from Melitene to Ariarathia (now Azizie) and the west in gênerai naturally goes by way of Gauraina, and several ancient monuments are reported along the course of the Tokhma Su ; in ail probability an important road from Pteria to the Euphrates passed down this line.
Arabissos, to which the obelisk of Izgin* must belong, was necessarily an important stage on a route of the fîrst conséquence. It lies near the northem entrance to the greatest of ail the passes over eastern Taurus, just as Germanicia-Marash lies at the southem end. The few références to it, chiefly in Byzantine literature, are collected elsewhere *; but of its older history and of the great part that it must hâve played at ail times in the communications between Commagene and Cappadocia, nothing is recorded in history ; unless the cuneiform inscriptions come to aid us.
4. Tyriaion is first mentioned by Xenophon as a well-peopled city, Anab. 1, 2, 14. It appears to hâve been during the pre-Hellenic period one of the three chief cities of the Phrygo-Lycaonian frontier lands, the others being Thymbrion (afterwards Hadrianopolis) and Iconium. But the Greek foundations, Laodiceia on the east and Philomelion on the west, eclipsed the older city; and we hear little of it in later history. It struck no coins; at least none hâve y et been found, whereas the coins of the neighbouring cities are fairly common. It is however mentioned in ail the Byzantine lists " : it was a bishopric, and its modem représentative, Ilghin, is a town of some conséquence.
About twelve miles east of Ilghin beside the little Kôli-tolu, a Yaila of Khadyn Khan, there are remains which hâve never been properly examined. An élévation in the soil was noticed by Ramsay in 1886, " running in a curve for a long distance; it has ail the appearance that is assumed by a strong city wall, when it has been unused for many centuries and left to decay and become covered with accumulated soil ". Circumstances made it impossible to stay more than an hour at the spot in 1886; and nothing further was observed by Hogarth and Headlam who passed that way in 1890. An Austrian party passed by Kôli-tolu in 1883; one of them, M. Sokolowski, reported to M. Perrot their discovery of the stone, which is represented on plate V, but made no référence to the wall. If we are right in regard to the wall, there must hâve been a city hère. The fîrst conjecture that naturally suggests itself is that this city was the pre-Hellenic Tyriaion, visited by Xenophon; and that the population moved to the more favourable
(1) Aocording to Ptolemy. Saint-Martin (Afém. sur V Arménie, I, p. 192) also appears to call the Tokhma Sa Meloê, bat whether he is quoting Ptolemy or an Armeniaa historian is not clear.
(2) See HUt Geogr., p. 288.
(3) Examined in 1891 by Hogarth and J. A. R. Munro.
(4) See Hist. Geogr., p. 311 f.
(5) They attribute it to Lycaonia, as does Ptolemy ; but there can be no doubt that Tyriaion and Iconium were, like Antioch and the northern parts of Pisidia, reckoned to Phrygia in early times.
84 PRE-HELLENIC MONUMENTS OF CAPPADOCIA
situation at Ilghin * during the Greek or the Roman period. But a careful examination of the distances is suflScient to show that Xenophon's Tyriaion was situated at Ilghin. not at Kôli-tolu ' ; and it is not possible to suppose that at the time of the Anabasis there was a welWnhabited city at Ilghin, and another of the proportions required by the remains of the wall at Kôli-tolu. Accordingly if this hypothetical city at Kôli-tolu was the original Tyriaion it must hâve already been a city of the past by 400 B. C.
The sole relie of this ancient city that bas yet been seen is a stone, which bas been uncovered by the peasants in the élévation marking the line of the wall. The stone must bave been discovered by accident, projecting very slightly above the soil ; and the marks on it led to its being uncovered entirely by peasants, who hoped to find gold beside or beneath it. ,
