I. No. 407 is described in Cathay IT, p. 40 as “end of xivth

cent.” This date, derived I think from Nasmith’'s Catalogue !), is

repeated by Corprer and GozuBovicH, while BxazLey says it is “of

the earliest XVth century” ?). The well known modern catalogue by M. R. James, now Provost of Eton, omits ‘“‘end of”, aud remarks that the book formerly belonged to Simon, Prior of Norwich, 1344-1352. This is the case. At the top of the first page is elearly written, liber fratris symonis Prioris Norwicensis. or À book of brother Symon, Prior of Norwich. Not only so, but the volume appears in a contemporary list of Symon’s books: Libri fratris

Symonis Bozoun..... [26.] Liber itinerariorum precij -xl-(. 3)

1) J. Nasmith, Cat. Libr. Man. quos C.C.C. et B.M.V. in Ac. Cantab. legavit ete. 1777, pp. 384, 385: CCOCVII. Codex membranaceus in S'°, exeunte seculo xiv scriptus, in quo conlinentur, 1. Itinerariam fratram Symonis Semeonis et Hugonis illuminatoris, ordinis fratrum minorum professorum ad terram sanctam A.D. 1322. 2. [William of Rubruquis.] 3. Itinerarium fratris Odorici ordinis fratrum minorum de mirabilibus orientalium Tartarorum..... The earlier Catalogue by Stanley gives no date or description, but may be quoted: Cat. Lib. Man. in Bib. Coll. C. C. in Cantab., 1722, p. 21: G. VI. 1. Iter Fratris Symonis Prioris Norwie. ab Hibernia per Angliam, Franciam, Italiam, Ægyptum, >abyloniam, Terram Sanctam, &e. 2. [William of Rubruquis.] 3. Itinerarium Fr. Orderici Ordinis Minornm, de mirabilibus orientalium Tartarorum. Ille obiit an. 1331. This volume is No. 72 in T. James Zcloga Oxonio-Cantab., 1600, p. 76, and No. 1349.72. in Cat. Lib. MSS. Anglie, 1697, p. 134.

For Symon Semeonis, a different man from Symon, Prior of Norwich, with whom Stanley confuses him, see Golubovich, linerarium Fratrum Symonis ete. Florence, 1918.

2) C, R. Beazley, Jon de Plano Carpini ete., 1993, p. xviii: “no. 407 in the Corpus collection. It is of the earliest XVth century, is written in a small, close, and diflicult late-medirval hand, abounding in abbreviations” The writing of the first three pieces in the volume is in one hand and of nearly the same date. Mr Beazley’s experience of mediæval MSS. must have been fortunate, if he calls this writing dificult.

3) Güiraldus Cambrensis (Rolls ed.) vol. V, Pref. p. xxxix. Referring to the British Museum Royal MS. 14 (C. xiii, the editor writes: “On the top margin of f. 14, before the beginning of the Polychronicon, is a note stating tbat this volume belonged to Simen Bozoun, prior of Norwich; and on the opposite page, f. 134, is a catalogue of his library, consisting of thirty-one volumes, with their prices aflixed..... Accordingly this volume must have been written somewhere between 1327, when the Polychronicon ends, and 1352, when Simon Bozoun ceased to be prior. Had its date not have been thus certainly fixed, I should have placed it as a manuseript of some fifiy years later date.” This last sentence

is interesting in connexion with the later date which bas been ascribed to No. 407.

ts RÉ

THE BIBLIOGRAPHY OF ODORIC, 303

Ducpazs’s Monasticon, vol. IV, 1823, p. 7, has this entry: “Simon Bozoux, or Bonox, was confirmed prior Aug. 25th, 1344, and installed Aug. 27th. He resigned in April, 1352.” The book belonged therefore to a Prior of Norwich before April, 1352, and takes its place among the early MSS. of Odoric, written probably within twenty years of the author’s death.

At the end of the notice of Odoric in this No. 407, M. R. James’ Catalogue says “Printed Acta SS. 1 Jan., p. 986.” This might be misleading. The text of 407 is quite unlike that in the Acta Sanctorum (1st ed., Jan. L., (14 Jan.) pp. 986b—992; new ed., Jan. II., (14 Jan.) pp. 268b—274), as will be seen by the following example, the date of Odoric’s death. No. 407, fol. 90 v°, 91 r° has: Anno

igitur (?) domini -:m°, CCCMO, xxxj0..... Cumque esset in Conuentu srl E accepta communione ipsoque ad dominum disponente eciam corpore existens incolumis; in domino requieuit. .... Anno domini

m°, coco, xxxj°. xiij. die mensis Januarij obiit in xpisto beatus Odoricus ordinis fratrum minorum. The Acta SS., p. 992, has: anno Dominicae Incarnationis MCCCXXXI postridie Idus Tanuari) de huius mundi naufragio transit in gloriam Beatorum. And it seems to be worth while to draw attention to this, as in the case of another MS. à similar remark seems actually to have led editors astray. In the Bibliography in Cathay Il, p. 53, is a Latin MS. numbered “*39—39—5— Saint-Omer, Zibrery, No. 737.” of which Corpier writes “This itinerary of Odorie has been published by the Bollandists. v. Acta Sanctorum, Januar., t. 1, p. 986, col. 2.” In his French edition Corpirr says the same, in the form of a quotation

from Cat. des Ms. des Bib. des Dép. Gorusovicu (op. cit., pp. 28, 33) Which of the Prior’s 31 books was the volume in which the list oceurs is not stated, but I know no reason to doubt the Provost of Eton’s identification of Liber iinerariorum with No. 407 rather than with the Museum MS. No. 407 has also on fol. 1 r° the marks S. xxiij. (? 15th century) and G. 6. (? 1Sth century). For a further account of Royal MS. 14 C. xiii. and its relation to No. 407, see pp. 309—311 below,

repeats the same in Italian (Ë questo il codice di eui si servirono i BozLanoisri), copying probably from Corbier, aud also classifies the Saint-Omer M$. as containing the recension of Henry of Glatz, while both the C.C.C. MSS. (275 and 407) are said to have the William of Solagna text. The Aca SS. has in fact the text of Henry of Glatz. But, strangely enough, the beginning and end of the Saint-Omer MS. 1) are not only verbally but almost literally identical with the beginning and end of 407, and quite unlike the beginning and end of the text in Acta Sanctorum. How is it that each of these two MSS. in turn has been said to be the original of the Bollandist text? Most probably the author of the Catalogue of the Saint-Omer MSS. in 1861, and the Provost of Eton more recently, meant nothing more thau that Odoric would be found printed in the Ac'a SS., without intending it to be understooë that the particular MSS. with which they were respectively dealing had been reproduced there ?).

We may conelude then with regard to the Corpus Christi College M$. 407 (1) that it was written between January, 1331, and April, 1352, and (2) that it is not printed in the Acta Sanctorum. It ïs,

as will be seen later, a good example of the text printed by Hakluyt.

And it seems also to be open to question, until more evidence is available, whether the Saint-Omer MS. 737 really contains the text

of Henry of Glatz, or is printed in the Acta Sanctorum.

1) Cat. gén. des MSS. des Bib. publ. des Dép, NI, 1861, pp. 328, 329: “737. Infolio sur papier. — Incipit [tinerarium fratris Oderici, ordinis fratram Minorum, de Mirabilibus orientalium Tartarorum. “Licet multa et varia de ritibus et conditionibus, ete” — Desinit: “Innumerabilia et mihi diflicilia ad seribendum.” — XV° SIÈCLE. Abbaye de Saint-Bertin. — Cahier de 18 feuillets en mauvais état, mouillé, écrit en gothique mixte, ... [written by ‘ego Michael de Lira seriptor” at Mechlin, 21 Feb, 1448.] Cet Itinéraire d’Oderic a été publié par les Bollandistes. (Voy. Ac{a Sanctorum, Januar. t. I, p. 986, col. 2.)”

Another MS. which, to judge from the extracts given in Cathkay IT, pp. 52, 53, must be very much like 407, is “37—37—3— Paris, Bid. Nat., Dupuy Collection No. 686.

2) The Provost assures me that this is the case, as far as he is concerned.

24 RS. à

THE BIBLIOGRAPHY OF ODORIC, 305

IL. No. 275. Here again there is a question of date. Corpren writes (Cathay LE, p. 40) of this MS.: “The present MS. is probably one to which Yule refers, p. 30, No. 4, in these words: ‘Asquini in his life of Odoric says that the old MS. ... was sold in his own day to an Euglish gentleman ... and he understood that it was preserved in St Benet’s College [i.e. Corpus Christi College], Cambridge. The MS. in question, however, only dated from 1448 (see Venni, p. 38)” This probability is accepted as fact by GozLusovicn, who infers that 275 is the copy made in 1448 by Alberto di Udine from an old codex which he (GoLusovica) assumes to have been the autograph of William of Solagna and believes now to be at Assisi (MS. 343). But both Cornrer and GoLuBovicx should have reflected that Asquini’s Life of Odoric was published in 1737, and that a book written at Udine in 1448 and sold in Italy in Asquiuïs “own day” could not be 275, which “is No. 21 of the collection of books left to Corpus Christi College by Thomas Markaunt, of Cambridge, in 1439.” (Cathay II, p. 39), The College possesses à precious volume (MS. No. 232) which contains (1) the will of Thomas Markaunt, dated 4 November, 1439; (2) the formal acceptance of the bequest of books by the Master and Fellows, dated 1 August, 1440; (3) a list of the 76 volumes bequeathed, with the contents of each; (4) a second list of the same books, arranged according to their

subjects, with the price of each.!) The entry relating to 275 is

1) The following are extracts from these four sections:— Fol. L r°: In dei nomine Amen. Ego Thomas markaunt Clericus de villa Cantabriggie Eliensis Diocesis compos mentis et bone memorie existens. Die quarto mensis Nouembris Anno Domini millesimo *CCCC'"”*, tricesimo nono; Condo testamentum meum in hune modum. In primis lego animam meam Deo omnipotenti Beate marie Virgini et omuibus sanctis corpusque meum ecclesiastice sepulture. Item lego omnes libros meos Collegio corporis xpisti et sancte Marie Cantabriggie predicte. sub ista condicione videlicet quod ponentur et custodiantur in quadam cista seu cistis infra dictum Collegio deputata vel deputatis secandum modum et formam cistarum de Gotham & lynk ad vsum dumtaxat sociorum Collegii supradieti. . .. Insuper volo quod socij Collegii corporis xpisti & sancte marie predicti; sub tali modifi-

cacione ante dictos libros possideant, quod orent pro anima mea & animabus parentum

on fol. 5 v°, 6 r° as follows: ‘Liber diuersorum tractatuum. De oracione dominica. De officio misse et regula fratrum minorum De vita prothoplasti Epistola Methodij de inicio et progressu mundi et de die iudicij De speculo mundi Purgatorium sancti patricij. Item oracio eiusdem. Îtinerarium domini Johannis Maundeuyle militis Tractatus de presbitero Johanue Itinerarium fratris Odoriei ordinis fratrum minorum Tractatus francisci petrarche De Waltero Marthione et Grisilda vxore eius. De tribus magis Regibus De secundo philosopho. De vita et passione Sancte Thome. De sarasenis et eorum obseruacionibus De Machameto et eius legibus Cuius secundum folium incipit in enigmalte. et penultimum folium incipit sudici} Machameto. 21.” In Æcloga Oxonio-Cantab., Liber Secundus, 1600, p. 70, this volume is: 4. 1. Tractatus de oratione domiuica. 2.... 11. Itinerarium ratris Odorici, ordinis Fratrum minorum.; and in Cat. Lib. MSS. Ang., 1697, p. 131, it is No. 1280. 4. Slanley, Catal., 1722; p. 2, has! A. IV..... [fol.] 149. Itinerarium Fratris Oderiei Minoritæ de Mirabilibus Orientalium Tartarorum.; and Nasmith, Catal., 1777, p. 816: CCLXXV. Codex membranaceus in folio minor. seculo xv scriptus, in quo continentur, ..... 13. Itinerarium

fratris Odorici ordinis fratrum minorum de mirabilibus orientalium

meorum velut orent pro alijs benefactoribus suis... lol, 3 r°: ET nos Johannes Tyteshale. Magister siue Custos Collegij Corporis xpisti et sancte Marie Cantabriggie Eliensis diocesis. vnanimi consensu...eandem librorum legacionem... admittimus... Datum nostra conclaue primo Die Mensis Augusti Anno Domini Millesimo quadringentesimo quadragesimo. ol. 5 r°: Hic incipit Registrum. magistri. Thome Markaunt de numerositate librorum suorum cum eorum contentis quos contulit ad vtilitatem sociorum Collegii corporis xpisti studencium Each book is numbered in the right hand margin with Arabie numerals in red. The list ends with 76. on fol. 8 v°. Fol. 9 r°: hic inseruntur omnes libri Magistri T. markaunt cum eorum precijs The books are arranged in groups according to their subjects, and each has its proper number from the frst list in red in the left hand margin. Under Libri theologie (fol. 9 v°) we find on fol. 10 r°: 21, liber diuersorum tractatuum. De oracione dominica &e — vi}. & See also Camb. Antiq. Society, Miscellaneous Communications Pt I, pp. 15—20. William de Gotham was Chancellor in 1366, 1376, and Robert de Lynge in 1345, 1352; and both were benefactors of the University. (Cf. Masters His/. C.C.C., p. 41.

THE BIBLIOGRAPHY OF ODORIC. 307

Tartarorum, fol. 149. Ultimum capitulum deest. 1% is thus reasonably certain that this volume has been in the College library from August, 1440, to the present time. Regarded as a copy of the Assisi codex 343, No. 275 might prove to be disconcertingly inaccurate; but as a fact it seems to be an English manuscript of the early 15th century, giving a well written but sometimes careless copy of the same text as is found in 407, and coming to a sudden conclusion after the story of the Terrible Valley with the words: hec de visis certitudinaliter Ego frater Odoricus hic inscripsi. & multa mirabilia omisi ponere quia homines non credidissent nisi vidissent Explicit itinerarium fratris Odorici &cetera. The following are short examples of the relation between the two texts, 407 and 275:—

407. Inde transiui per ciuitates multas & veni ad ciuitatem nomine #Æaîtan in qua fratres minores habent duo loca ad que portaui de ossibus fratrum nostrorum pro fide xpisti interfectorum

275. Inde transiui ad ciuitates multas & veni ad ciuitatem nomine Æaætlan In qua fratres minores duo habent loca ad que portaui de ossibus fratrum minorum pro fide xpisti interfectorum

407. nam quilibet ignis soluit voum balis -i: v. cartas bombicis qui vnum florenum cum dimidio valent & -x- vel -xij: superlectiles facient vnum

275. nam quilibet ignis soluit vnum -i: quinque cauas bombicis qui vaunm florenum cum dimidio valent & 10 vel -13- superlectiles

faciant vnum

III. The third Cambridge MS. of Odoric is in the library of Gonville and Caius College, in the volume marked 83:162. This is one of the books bequeathed to the College by William Moore in 1659,1) but its history before that date does not seem to be

1) J. Venn, Gonville and Caius College, vol. I, p. 192. See also U.LC. MSS. Dd. IV. 36. (a contemporary catalogue of Moore’s books) fol. 5. “Class. B. 14, 4 Odoricus de ritibus Orientalium”; and Caé. Lib. MSS. Ang., 1697, p. 122, No. 1110. 46.

known. The volume contains 213 leaves, of which fol. 141 r°—213 v° are in neat 13th century hands, and fol. 1 r°—140 r° in an untidy but legible English hand, or hauds, of the early 15th or very late l4th century. Odorie (Zrattatus Odorici de Ritibus orientalium Regionum.) oceupies fol. 87 r°—105 v°. The text, as far as I have examined it, is that of William of Solagna, agreeing very nearly and often exactly with that printed in Cathay Il, Appendix I, from the Paris MS. lat. 2584 (Yule-Cordier No. 35). It does not call Odorie a Bohemian (Boemus), as he is called in the Paris MS. but in some places it seems to me to give perhaps the better text of the two. It begins: Licet multa & varia de ritibus & condicionibus huius seculi enarrentur a multis; tamen sciendum est quod ego frater Odoricus de foroiuli de portu nahonis volens transfretare. ... fol. 93 r°: in Polumbo ad portum ascendimus aliam nauim nomine conchum vt in Indiam superiorem sicut dictum est iremus ad quandam Ciuitatem nomiue Caytan. In qua sunt duo loca nostrorum fratrum.... fol. 99 v°: hec ciuitas posita est in aquis lacunarum que manet & stat vt Ciuitas veueret. Ipsa etiam habet plures quam -12- milia poncium.... fol. 105 v°: esse demones infernales sit nomen domini benedictum Ego frater Odorieus de foroiuli de portu nahonis de ordine fratrum minorum testificor & testimonium perhibeo meoque ministro respondeo cum ab eo requisitus fuerim per obedienciam salutarem, quod hec omnia que seripta sunt aut propriis oculis ego vidi aut audiui ab hominibus fidedignis Multa etiam alia dimisi que scribi non feci quia ipsa apud aliquos quasi incredibilia viderentur nisi illa propriis oculis vidissent, Ego autem de diem in diem me preparo ad illas contratas accedere in quibus me mori dispono, & viuere vt illi placeat qui sine fine viuit & regnat.

AM-E-N — Æxplicit Trattatus Odorici de Ritibus Orientalium.

THE BIBLIOGRAPHY OF ODORIC. 309

These three appear to be the ouly MS. copies of Odoric which have been catalogued in Cambridge.!) The two at Corpus Christi College represent, one very accurately, the other more carelessly and imperfectly, the Hakluyt text; while the Caius College MS. gives what seems to be a good form of the text translated and printed by Yuze in Cathay. The transcript made in 1448 from an old codex at Udine can no longer be identified évidemment or even probably with any one of these Cambridge MSS., which were all, I think, written in England and have been in England at least since 1352, 1439, and 1659, respectively. Incidentaily, too, 16 is curious to think that Simon, Prior of Norwich, possessed two almost identical copies of the Hakluyt text (C.C.C. 407 and Royal MS. 14. C. xii (Yule’s Mus.)) within twenty years of Odoric’s death, and it may not be out of place to give some further account of these two MSS. (407 and Mus.) and of their relation to Hakluyt’s printed text.

For obvious reasons I have not been able to place the two MSS. side by side, but my impression is that they were written by the same scribe. The writing, if by two, is at least by two very similar hands, aud so are the delicate red and blue initials. Capital letters in the text are much more often touched with blue or red in Mus. than they are in 407. As will be seen from the printed Catalogues, 407 is a small book (Nasmith: 24 8") while Mus. is a fair-sized Folio. At the beginning of Mus. are 14 leaves of parchment not included in the ancient numeration. Of these the first is blank except for a few words and letters seribbled on the verso, 2 r° has the Arabic numerals 1—20 in their 14th century form, 2 w°

1) Golubovich (op. cit, p. 26) has “Cambridye, un quarto codice segnato 1549 (73) $ 3”. But this is obviously C.C.C. No. 407 (see note 1, p. 302 above); and one cannot help thinking that others of the #wven/y-sever MSS., which are recorded as having eluded Cor-

dier, may be accounted for perhaps in a similar way, though several of them seem really to be new.

has the contents of the volume in a 14th or 15th century hand, 9 items of which Odoric is the fifth, 3 r° —-10 v° contain the Index (? to the Polychronicon), 11 r° blank, 11 v°—12 v° Introduction and Contents of Giraldus Cambrensis (Introitus ad recitationem historiæ Giraldi Cambrensis), 13 blank, but ruled and lettered for use (omitted from the modern pencil numeration), 14 r° blank (13 in the modern numeration), 14 v°: Libri fratris Symonis Bozoun. and the titles and prices of 31 books. On the 15th leaf, numbered 1 in the contemporary ink numbering, and 14 in modern pencil, the Polychronicon begins, and at the top of the page is written %liber fratris Symonis Bozoun Prioris Norwicensis aud the library mark P. Ixj.

Odorice begins at the top of fol. 205 (216) r° and ends on fol. 213 (224) v°. The comparison of a few short passages will show (1) that 407 and Mus. may have been copied from a common original, or (2) that Mus. was copied from 407, (3) that 407 was uot copied from Mus., (4) that Hakluyt, as is well known, copied Mus., aud, though he mentions other texts, seems sometimes at least, when in difficulty, simply to have emended the text of Mus.; and for this purpose I have chosen generally words or phrases where one or both of the MSS. are clearly wrong.

407, fol. 82 v° hospitabar; Mus. fol. 210 (221) r° habitabar; Hak. p. 48 habitaba. 407 and Mus. ib. de inde vbi sol oritur; Hak. de indè vbi sol occidit. 407, ib. portulam; Mus. ib. perclusam (?); Hak. perclusam. 407, ib. apparuit; Mus. ib. aparuit; Jak. aparuit. 407 and Mus. ib. decenderunt; Æak. descenderunt. 407, fol. 83 r° per aspidem; Mus. ib. per aspidem (margin parapsidem); ak. paropsidem. 407, ib. mihi dicens quod; Mus. ib. michi quod; Æak. mihi quod. 407 and Mus. ib. animalis in tota; ak. animalis intrat. 407, fol. 90 v° sicut ipse narrabat ita scribebat ad hoc; Mus. fol. 213 (224) »r° and ak. p. 53 sicut ipse narrabat ad hoc. 407, 1b.

THE BIBLIOGRAPHY OF ODORIC. 4 à

testatur esse vera; Mus. and /Jak. testatur esse. 407, ib. alia ego dimisi que seribi non feci cum ipsa quasi incredibilia videntur; nisi illa propriis oculis conspexissent; Mus. ib. alia ego dimisi nisi 1lla propriis oculis conspexissent; //ak. alia ego dimisissem, nisi illa propriis oculis conspexissem. In this last instance Mus. has simply dropped out one line, and Hakluyt has emended to make good grammar, and has exactly reversed the sense.

If I have added à little to the stock of accurate knowledge about three of the many manuseripts of Odoric, I have also convinced myself that an extraordinary uncertainty still pervades the subject. YuLe in both editions of Cathay divides the texts into “four distinct types”, viz. (1) The recension of Henry of Glatz, represented by the extracts in the Acta Sanctorum and by a MS. at Venice (Cathay Il, No. 47); (2) The recension of William of Solagna, who originally wrote the narrative down from Odoric's dictation at Padua in May, 1330. Yure thought that this was not the best text, but the text of the best Latin and Italian MSS.; (3) The text printed and translated by Hakluyt. This is represented by three MSS. in the British Museum and two at Cambridge (Cathay IT, No. 5, 7, 8, 1, 2), and apparently by one at the Bodleian, besides one at least at Paris (Cathay II, No. 37) aud, possibly, one at Saint-Omer (Cathay IT, No. 39); (4) The Minor Ramusian text, represented by Ramusio’s second and shorter printed text and by some Italian MSS.

Gorugsovicn, the latest contributor to the subject, divides the Latin texts into two recensions, (1) William of Solagna, (2) Henry of Glatz. In (2) he places only three MSS., viz. Saint-Omer 737, Berlin 141, and Munich 903 (Cathay IX, No. 39, 13, 82); aud all the rest, including the known Hakluyt texts, are put in (1). The most elaborate bibliographer of Odorie is Cororer, both in his

French edition, and in the second edition of Cathay; and of one

D] 192 À: C:HMOULE.

of Gorugsovicu’s second recension — Berlin 1411) — he writes “it includes also the text of Odoric’s [tinerary published by Hakluyt; ...it is the version of Henry of Glatz.” But “the version of Henry of Glatz” is quite different from the “Itinerary published by Hakluyt”!

Very little has been done to determine the relationship of these three or four different forms of the text. YuLe regarded the Henry of Glatz text as representing (if we had but a good copy of it) the nearest approach to Odoric's own words, but he gave no reason for this opinion. Unless there is truth in the note added to the lost MS. ab Mentz (Cuthay I, No. 16) that William of Solagna was only one of several writers at Padua, Henry of Glatz must have copied from William’s text. Neither Yuur, Coroter, nor GoLu- Bovici tell us wherein Henry really differs from William (except in the little notes they have added to their respective texts: /ec predicta ffrater Guillelmus and Et ego frater hinricus de Glarz), nor do they seriously attempt to trace the source of the Acta Sanctorum text. Of Gozusovicu’s three examples of Henry of Glaëz, one seems, as we have seen, to be doubtful; but the Munich text, as printed by Doweniongrer, and Berlin 141 (Cathay IT, No. 32 and 13) are certainly of this type. Coroiex has published beautiful facsimiles of the last two and a half pages of the Berlin MS. from which it is clear that the text is very nearly but not exactly that of the Acta SS. And the same is true of the Munich text.*) The

Bollandists themselves tell us that they got their text from an

1) Domenichelli and Cathay, 131; Cordier (1891) and Golubovich (rightly), 141.

2) Fer example Berlin 141 omits Scripsi autem hec anno Domini tresentesimo quadragesimo (Munich, 1340) in Pragäà, cirea festum omnium Sanctorum, & copiosius ea (Munich, vmit ea) audieram in Auenione. with which Ac/a 88. ends. And Munich reads vno eymbalo for Acta 88. vno tintinnabulo; cum convenissent et comedissent for cum comedissent: vellet huius ciuitatis magnitudinem for velit huius ciuitatis magna; ete. My

knowledge of the Munich text is derived at second, if not at third, hand from Domenichelli.

THE BIBLIOGRAPHY OF ODORIC. 313

ancient codex copied for them, or given them, by John Gamans S.J., and that the story of the four martyrs of Thäna was copied by Gamans from a MS. Passionale in the Augustinian monastery of St Meinulph at Bodickheim. They assume that the martyrdom had beeu originally copied from the same old codex of Odoric, and they are careful to note that the two MSS. agreed in such a curious detail as the date 1 April, 1322, for the martyrdom; but unfortuuately they do not say where the Odoric codex was kept, 1) and it does not seem as if many efforts had been made to trace its subsequent history. Three other manuscripts in Cororer’s bibliography (Cathay I, No. 19, 23, 36) look as if they might possibly have

1) Acta SS., Jan. TI, p. 984 col. l: 7x peruetusto Codice MS. quem beneficio loannis Gamansij nostri obtinuimus, extat ea historia sub hoc titulo: Descriptio terrarum Fr. Odorici de Foro-Iulÿ. cum appendice rerum ab eo narratarum Vr. Marchisino de Bayadon Ordinis Minorum. Quae omnia vnà cum breui relatione obitus Ÿ miraculorum descripsit in hoc nostro Codice Fr. Henricus de Glats ord. Minorum Pragæ an. Ch. 1340. «b obitu B. Odorici 9. Præcipua solèm decerpsimus, que B Odorici zelum demonstrent in Christiane réligionis propagatione indefessum.

April. L., pp. 50, 51: Hanc peregrinationis ejus hisloriam, seu librum de Mirabilibus mundi, habuimus in codice valde antiquo, quem Fr. Henricus de Glats Ord. Minorum Pragæ, anno Christi MCCCXEL, descripsit. Historia martyrii horum Beatorum Fratrum, inde olim excerpta, exlat in Passionali MS. insigni cœnobii Bodecensis Canonicorum Regularium S. Augustini in diccesi Paderbonensi, quam inde descriptam nobis transmisit Ioannes Gamansius nosler, cum hoc titulo: Incipit passio Sanctorum quatuor Fratrum Minorum, quæ est Kalendis Aprilis: qui dies infra num. 6. [p. 54, par. 6] confirmatur his verbis: Compleverunt autem gloriosi viri martyrinm suum anno Domini millesimo trecentesimo vigesimo secundo, Kalendis Aprilis, ante Palmas. Z/a Odoricus utroque manuscripto.

For Bodickheim or Bodiken see Gex. tolius sacri ordinis cler. canon. historia by Gabr. Pennotius, 1630, p. 405: In Bodiken oppido eiusdem diæcesis Paderbornensis monasterium sancti Meynulphi, eiusdem congregationis Windesimensis. ex eodem [se. congregationis Wind.] Catalogo. This monastery of Augustinian Canons may have succeeded a nunnery which was founded A.D. 804 or 840; for which see Meibom Rerum Germ. I, p. 240: Hic Meinulphus....monasterium monialium, seu canonicearum regularium, in villa Bodicken Paderbornensis diæcesis, fundavit & dotavit, quod usque ad tempora nostra [e. 1418] perduravit : nune vero non bhostium inceursu forinseco, sed tinea attenuatum intrinseca, desolationi proximum est. I have been unable to find out anything about the library there.

For much kind help in finding these and other references I am indebted to the staff of the University Library at Cambridge, and especially to Mr A. Rogers and Mr Charles Sayle.

the Henry of Glatz text. The first of these has the date 1340; the second has the exact beginning of the Acta SS. text; and the third was believed by Yuze to be “after Henry of Glatz”. This last manuscripé has not, I believe, been printed, as seems accidentally to be said in Cathay IT, p. 52, by the Société de Géographie.

Hakluyt's text, on the other hand, Yuce regarded with suspicion as having been “tampered with”, but he does not attempt to trace its history. It is manifestly a clearly defined text, early popular, and ultimately derived from Udine with the notary’s attestation, — from a copy, that is to say, finished after Odoric’s death. It forms then a second distinct type of text current before 1352.

Of the third Latin type, that of Paris Bib. Nat. latin 2584; Assisi 343; or Caius College 162, no example seems to be dated in the bibliographies as early as 1352. Assisi 343 was indeed regarded

by SBaraLea 1) and (more doubtfully) by Gorusovicx as the actual

1) Supplementum ad Scriptores O.F.M., p. 330: Hujus codex autographus, quem nuperus Illustrator Zistoriæ B. Odorici Inquisitor Utinensis pag. 39. ait, nesciri quie fata subierit, nune asservatur Asisii in Archivo nostri sac. Conventus ms. pergam. in 4. asseribus ligneis coopertus, & num. 20. signatus.

It is advisable to repeat what Venni (the wuperus Illustrator) really says. Iu his Elogio storico ete., 1761, p. 38 we read: [Besides the copy by Henry of Glatz] there was another copy in the convent at Udine, as is shown by the original catalogue of the books kept by him in his library written out at large by the Custos of the Friulan Custodia, Brother John Senior of Udine, in the year 1369 [fol. 11. ter]: /{em Liber B. Fratris Odorici, and more clearly in another catalogue of 1410 [fol. 14. ter.]: J£em Ystoria B. Odorici cum tabulis, $ corio rubeo ad ligaturas. This Story was a volume distinct from that of the miracles which was kept in the Sacristy among the relics: Z{em unus quadernus de papyro, in quo sunt miracula Beati Odorici probata. Yn the year 1448 Brother Albert of Udine made a copy in one volume of the said Story and of the Patriarch’s schedule of the. miracles, together with the account of the death of the Blessed man, of his funeral, of the beginning of his worship, and of certain miracles which had been left out of the schedule; and authenticated the copy with his signature: Âic Liber scriplus est per manus Lratris Alberti de Utino die VII. Septembris au. 1448. Worn out by time Albert’s copy was renewed in the following century at the expense of a gentleman of Udine Jerome Montaniani, Sindaco of the convent, with the note (Consumata dal tempo la copia d’ Alberto nel secolo sussequente fu rinnovala a spese del..... con la memoria}: Beali Odorici devotus

Hieronymus Monteniarus D. Utin. Patri. hujus, Ÿ Sacri Coenoby Conventualium Trancis-

THE BIBLIOGRAPHY OF ODORIC. 315

autograpb of William of Solagna written at Padua in May, 1330,

but until this most interesting MS. has been more fully examined

canorum Syndicus Itiner. $ Mirac. ejusdem Beati Librum hunc omni ornatu nudatum, Ÿ vetus!ate corruptum in hanc pristinam formam cum omni cnltu sua impensa resliluit Anno Domini MDCCCCIL. Die xv. Mens. vübris. [p. 39] Of the three examples which used to be in the Convent at Udine the third, Montaniani’s, is still preserved, the other two are lost; likewise (or just as) there is no trace [to show] what fate may have befallen the original which the Blessed one dictated at Padua in the year 1330 (conforme non v'è traccia, qual sorte sia loccata all’ originale, che il Beato dettù in Padova l’anno MCCCXXX).

The value of Venni’s opinion is probably ccnsiderable, since he was presumably very familiar with the library at Udine, and seems to write in a careful and scholarly manner, but at the same time his last paragraph, on p. 59, is not quite easy to understand, and 1 should have been glad to compare with it Asquinis statement, if the latter’s Life of Odorie had been available in the British Museum or at Cambridge. It seems to me that Venni thought that the Convent at Udine had possessed (1) a copy of the Itinerary (which he does not seem to identify with the autograph of 1330), which was entered in the Catalogues of 1369 and 1410; (2) a copy 07 paper of the schedule (processo) of Miracles, which was kept in the Sacristy, and appears in the catalogue of 1410; (3) a transcript of (1) and (2) in one volume, with some other miracles, etc. added, made by Albert in 1448, and restored or re-bound by Montaniani in 1542. In his day (1761) (1) and (2) had disappeared, but (3) survived. It will be noticed that Venni gives the words of Albert’s subscription (Æic Liber scriptus ete.) although, according to Golubovich's interpretation of the passage, his transcript had left Udine many years before. Golubovich understood that there had been at Udine (1) the autograph of 1330, which was afterwards at the Holy Convent at Assisi (No. 20) and is now in the Communal Library there (No. 343); (2) a transcript of (1) made by Albert in 1448, which was sold to an Englishman in the 17th or early 18th century; (3) a éranscript of (2) made for Montaniani in 1542, That Mortaniani did anything more than repair Albert’s transcript is not stated by Venni; but a new copy made in 1542 is required if we accept Asquini's alleged statement that Albert’s transcript had been sold before 1737. Asquini was certainly wrong in saying that that transcript was at St Benet’s College, Cambridge (unless it may have been there for a short time between 1722 and 1777), and his whole story may be a mistake. As has been said, very little is known of Assisi 343. Sbaralea says it is written ox parchment, and this (if it is the whole truth) forbids us to guess that it is Venni’s (1) and (2) bound up as one volume. He adds that the book used certainly to be at Udine, because there is a note on the last page which says. Ÿ eliam est hic cingulus ferreus prope reliquias, quem portavit ad carnem., and the iron girdle has been and is preserved at Udine. Until more is known of the date and handwriting of this note, it is not necessary to think that it means more than that the book was copied at Udine by a conscientious and not too ofliciously intelligent scribe, who if his original said “here” did not change it to “at Udine”. Assisi 343 is, apparently, the most complete of all the manuscripts of Odoric. It contains

the Thana martyrdom with separate ixcipit and explicit, the Itinerary, the attestations of

and described, the early date cannot be regarded as certain. The attestation of William of Solagna (sometimes in the first person, ego ...redegi), which is characteristic of this as well as of the Hakluyt text, makes it of course likely that both these texts were derived in the first instance from the original copy at Padua.

I add the passage chosen as an iüllustration by Yure himself (Cathay Il, pp. 28—30), giving the texts of the C.C.C. MS. 407, the Caius MS. 162, Hakluyt, vol. IT, 1599, p. 48, and of the Acta Sanclorum, 1. c. p. 990, col. 2.

407. In illa ciuitate quatuor fratres nostri conuerterant vnum po- 162. Hic etiam est ciuitas regia in qua Mancij Rex olim morabatur Hak. IN illa ciuitate 4. fratres nostri conuerterant vnum po-

A.S. In eà nostri Fratres quatuor paædicti ad fidem Christi vnum

407. tentem ad fidem xpisti in cuius hospicio continue hospitabar 162. & in ea :497. fratres minores ad fidem nostram vnum potentem Hak. tentem ad fidé Christi, in cuius hospitio continuè habitabä,

A,S. potentem hominem conuerterunt, in cuius domo continuè hospi-

407. dum fui ibi qui semel dixit mihi ara “i: pater vis tu venire 162. hominem conuerterunt in cuius domo continue hospitabantur. Hak. dum fui ibi, qui semèl dixit mihi, Ara, i. pater, vis tu venire

A.8. tabar, & ille mihi aliquando dixit: Ara, id est, Pater, vis venire

Odorie, and of William of Solagna (in the first person), the death of Odorie, the letter of the Patriarch about the miracles, the schedule of the miracles, ete., ete. If it is the Padua autograph of 1330, it has obviously had large additions, for while the Martyrdom ard Itinerary oceupy, I think, 24 leaves, the extra matter, which can only have been written after January, 1331, and at Udine, fills about 33 leaves more. And again if it is, as Sbaralea suggests, the Ysforia of the 1410 catalogue, then Venni must be wrong in saying that that Jsforia contained only the Itinerary and not the Miracles. It is to be hoped that before long the full text of Assisi 343 may be published with facsimiles and

competent notes.

Hak.

THE BIBLIOGRAPHY Of ODORIC,. 9517

& videre ciuitatem istam & dixi quod sic & ascendimus vnam vade mihi dicebant aliquando. ara -i- pater vis tu venire videre & videre ciuitatem ist; & dixi quèd sic, & ascendimus vnà

ad perdeductionem conspicere ciuitatem? Tune consentiente me,

barcham & iuimus ad vnum monasterium maximum de quo terram' cui respondebam quod sic: vude ascendimus vnam barcham, & iuimus ad vnü monasterium maximü, de quo

ascendimus simul in vnam barcham, & iuimus ad quoddam

vocauit voum religiosum sibi notum. & dixit sibi de me Jste barcam' & iuimus ad vnum magnum illorum monasteriorum vocauit voü religiosum sibi notü, & dixit sibi de me, Iste

magnum monasterium religiosorum, qui sunt illic. E& euocato

raban francus. ï. religiosus venit de inde!) vbi sol oritur & que ibi erant, ad quod cum iuissemus, vocauit illorum vuum KRaban Fräcus, i. religiosus venit de indè vbi sol occidit, &

ad se vno ex illis, dixit: Vides hurne Rabi Francum, id est,

nunc vadit kambalech vt deprecetur vitam pro magno kane & Religiosorum & dixit ei vides hunce Raban ffrancum :i- virum une vadit Cambaleth, vt deprecetur vità pro magno Cane,

virum religiosum? Iste venit à regionibus vbi sol occidit, &

ideo ostendas sibi aliquid quod si reuertatur ad contratas suas religiosum. Iste venit inde vbi ponitur & hinc iuit Kambalec & ideùd ostendas sibi aliquid, quod si reuertatur ad contratas

nune vadit Cambalech, vt roget pro vità magni Can. Ideù ali-

1) 275 reads india vbi sol oritur A/uws., inde vbi sol oritur.

possit referre quod tale quid nouum vidi in Canasia ciuitate

vt roget vitam pro magno cane- ideoque sibi ostendas aliquid

. suas possit referre quod tale quid nouû vidi in Canasia œui-

quid sibi ostendas, vt si aliquando reuersus fuerit....nouum

tune sumpsit ille religiosus duos mastellos magnos repletos

vt si reuertatur- ad suas contratas posset dicere tale nouum

. tate: tune sumpsit ille religiosus duos mastellos magnos repletos

. & rarum in Chamsana ego vidi. Ille autem respondit se velle

reliquijs que supererant de mensa & duxit me ad vnam por-

quod vidit in Cansaye: Tunc iste dixit quod libeuter vellet

. reliquijs quæ supererant de mensa, & duxit me ad vnàä per-

aliquid libenter demonstrare. Deinde magnas duas sportas

tulam paruam quam aperuit eum claue & apparuit viridarium ostendere sibi aliquod nouum, & tunc iste duos magnos mastelos clusam paruam, quam aperuit cum claue, & aparuit viridarium

accepit plenas, quæ mensæ superfuerant fragmentorum, & apertà

graciosum & magnum in quod intrauimus & in illo viridario accepit plenos hijs que superfuerunt in mensa & tune statim gratiosum & magnû in quod intrauimus, & in illo viridario

portà nos in quoddam viridarium introduxit. Erat autem in eo

stat vnus monticulus sicut vnum campanile !) repletus amenis

aperuit cuiusdam viridarij portam per quam intrauimus viri-

. stat vnus monticulus sicut vnûü campanile, repletus amœænis

monticulus quidam plenus arboribus amœnis: acceptôque vno

1) This may be a confused reference to the pagoda which stands at the foot of the

monticulus and mar%s the grave of the founder of the monastery. It is very unlikely to

be a mere interpolation, to say that the 2iZ/ was “like a bell-tower”

Hak.

THE BIBLIOGRAPHY OF ODORIC. 319

herbis & arboribus & dum staremus ibi ipse sumpsit cymbalum darium ïllud, nunc autem in eo est nus monticulus plenus herbis & arboribus, & dum staremus ibi, ipse sumpsit cymbalü,

üintinnabulo cœæpit pulsare. Ad cuias sonitñ mox animalia

& incepit percutere ipsum sicut pereutitur quando monachi arboribus amenis & dum sic in eo essemus ipse cimbalum voum & incœæpit percutere ipsum sicut pereutitur quando monachi

multa & diuersa de illo monticulo descenderunt, sicut essent

intrant refectorium ad euius sonitum multa animalia diuersa accepit, & illud incepit pulsare, ad euius sonitum multa animalia intrant refectoriü, ad çcuius sonitüû multa animalia diuersa

simiæ, cati, ... & plura alia, & quædam quæ faciem hominis

decenderunt de monte illo aliqua vt Symie aliqua vt kati diuersa de illo monticulo descenderunt sicut essent simie gattidescenderunt de monte illo, aliqua vt simiæ, aliqua vt Cati,

videbantur habere. Et cùm videremus de bestiis vsque ad tria

maimones & aliqua faciem hominis habencia & dum sic starem Maimones- similiter & multa alia animalia que facies hominis Maymounes, & aliqua faciem hominis habentia, & dum sie starem

millia eirca ipsum ordinatè conuenisse, ille paropsides posuit,

congregaverunt se Circa ipsum circa -iij 7: de illis animalibus habebant & dum vidissemus sic illa animalia bene circa tria congregauerunt se circa ipsum, 4000. de illis animalibus,

& illis sportis secundèm naturæ suæ ... distribuit illis cibum.

& se in ordinibus collocauerunt coram quibus posuit par aspimilia circa ipsum se aptauerunt ad se inuicem ordinata, & eum & se in ordinibus collocauerunt, coram quibus posuit paropsi-

Et cùm comedissent, iterum cymbalum pulsans, animalia ad

dem !) & dabat eis comedere. & cum comedissent iterum cymcirca ipsum sie essent posita & ordinata. ipse parapsides posuit dem & dabat eis comedere, & cum comedissent iterum cym-

loca propria remeabant. Ego autem multèm ridens illi seni

balum percussit & ommnia ad loca propria redierunt tune adante illa & cum sic competenter comedere sibi dederit ea que balum pereussit, & omnia ad loca propria redierunt. Tunc ad-

dixi: Edissere mihi, quid ista significent. Ait ille: Istæ sunt

miratus inquesiui quid essent animalia ista; & respondit mihi sie comedissent; ipse cimbalum pulsare cepit & sic cuncta hec miratus inquisiui quæ essent animalia ista? Et respondit mihi

nobilium virorum animæ, quas nos hic pascimus amore Dei.

dicens quod sunt anime nobilium virorum quas nos hic pascimus animalia ad loca propria remeabant, Dum autem vidissem ista quod sunt animæ nobilium virorü, quas nos hîc pascimus

Ad quod ego: Ista animalia non sunt animæ, quæ spirituales

amore dei qui regit orbem & sicut vous homo fuit nobilis; multum cepi ridere dicens Tu mihi dicas quid hoc indicare amore Dei, qui regit orbô, & sicut vnus homo fait nobilis,

sunt, sed solèm bestiæ corporales. Respondit ille: Non sunt

) 275. reads par apsides and below & respondit michi quod essent anime

Hak.